The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 1938-01: Vol 21 Iss 1

Tue Louisiana
HistoricAL QuARTERLY

VOL. 21, NO. J JANUARY, 1938

Entered as Second Class mail matter June 6, 1917, at the post office at New Orleans, La.,
under Act of August 24, 1912.

Subscription $2.00 per annum, payable in advance. Address Louisiana Historical Quarterly.
Cabildo, New Orleans, La.

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OFFICERS
OF THE
LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

EDWARD ALEXANDER PARSONS, President.
ANDRE LAFARGUE, First Vice-President.
JAMES WILKINSON, Second Vice-President.
FRANK H. WADDILL, Third Vice-President.

J. FAIR HARDIN, Vice-President,
For North Louisiana.

PRoF. WILLIAM A. READ, Vice-President,
For Southern Louisiana.

WM. BOIZELLE, Recording Secretary.
HENRY M. GILL, Corresponding Secretary.
WALTER PRICHARD, Editor.

J.-B. DONNES, Treasurer. .

Executive Committee
EDWARD A. PARSONS, Chairman
ANDRE LAFARGUE | WALTER PRICHARD
JAMES WILKINSON Wo. BOIZELLE
FRANK H. WADDILL HENRY M. GILL
J. B. DONNES

Editor Louisiana Historical Quarterly

WALTER PRICHARD, Louisiana State University,
Baton Rouge, La.

Advisory Editorial Board
JOHN S. KENDALL J. FAIR HARDIN,
| Shreveport.
JAMES E. WINSTON © R. W. CoLoMB
GEORGE C. H. KERNION FRANCIS P. BURNS

ROBERT D. CALHOUN,
HENRY W. ROBINSON | Vidalia, La.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

VOL. 21, NO. 1 JANUARY, 1938

Page
Materials relating to the History of the Mississippi Valley,
from the minutes of the Spanish Supreme Council of
State, 1787-1797, by Abraham P. Nasatir and Ernest R.
Liljegren 5

The West Florida Revolution of 1810, as told in the Letters of
John Rhea, Fulwar Skipwith, Reuben Kemper, and whe rt

by James A. Padgett 76
The Firebrand Affair: A Forgotten Incident of the Mexican
Revolution, by Harris Gaylord Warren ... 2038
Documents relating to George Graham’s proposals to Jean
Laffite for the Occupation of the Texas Coast, by Harris
Gaylord .Warren......: SAS
The History of the City of Carrollton, by Wilton P. Ledet.. 220

Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, LXXIV, by
Heloise H. Cruzat; Marginal Notes by Henry P. Dart;
Revised by Walter Prichard 282

Index to the Spanish Judicial Records of Louisiana, LVI, by
Laura L. Porteous; Marginal Notes by Walter Prichard.... 319

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‘Tue Louisiana
HisTorRicAL QuaRTERLY

VOL. 21, NO. 1 JANUARY, 1938

VMATERIALS RELATING TO THE HISTORY OF THE
MISSISSIPPI VALLEY

FROM THE MINUTES OF THE SPANISH SUPREME
COUNCILS OF STATE, 1787-1797

A Calendar Guide

Compiled and Edited by
ABRAHAM P. NASATIR AND ERNEST R. LILJEGREN

INTRODUCTION

THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF STATE

On July 8, 1789, Charles III, the King of Spain promulgated a
royal decree! creating a new administrative body to serve as the
highest authority in all affairs relating to Spain and its colonial
empire. This body, known as the Suprema Junta de Estado, was
to meet at least once each week and was described as ordinario y
perpetua? in contrast to previous organizations which had met only
to consider specific matters as they arose. The membership of the
junta consisted of the heads of the various administrative depart-
ments and its duties were to act as the highest tribunal for the em-
_ pire, to approve the appointment of higher officials in the govern-
ment, to establish general rules and policies for the conduct of gov-
ernment, to limit the jurisdiction of the various departments, and
in urgent cases to act with dispatch and authority.

ate ore BY Seccién de Estado, Madrid. (hereinafter cited A. H. N. Estado), ‘legajo 917, volume
nar

sion, curiosity or speculation over possible nati onal crises.

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6 - The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

At the same time the King promulgated an instruccion re-
servada [confidential instructions] to serve as a guide for the body.
The instruction contained 433 articles and dealt with all possible
activities of the government.*

The Junta de Estado continued in an active capacity until
February 28, 1792, when by decree of Charles IV, it was superseded
and the Supremo Consejo de Estado was re-established. The Con-
sejo retained the members of the former Junta as ordinary mem-
bers, and new orders regarding the powers, procedure, meetings
and other matters were given.* Within a few months there began
an infiltration into it of notables, favorites and incompetents. On
July 15, Manuel Godoy, El Duque de Alcudia, was given a seat in

the consejo. In November he was made First Secretary® whose —

principal charge was the foreign office. Godoy, however, gradually
grasped the power of leadership in the consejo and thenceforth that
body became a tool in his hands and in 1797 it ceased to be regarded
as an important instrument of government.®

The deliberations of both bodies have been preserved in ten
folio volumes in the Archivo Histérico Nacional in Madrid, where

_ they are to be found under the titles Minutas de las Actas de la
Suprema Junta de Estado, and, Minutas de las Actas del Supremo

Consejo de Estado. Many writers have used these minutes without
clearly distinguishing between those of the Junta de Estado and
those of the Consejo de Estado,’ and the minutes themselves lead
one to believe in their continuity as the third volume of the minutes
of the Junta is entitled Actas del Supremo Consejo de Estado.
Though both were to a greater or lesser degree the highest policy
forming bodies for the internal and external government of Spain
and its empire, their antecedents and basic philosophies varied
greatly.

The Consejo de Estado was the older organization, probably
dating back to the fourteenth century. Its membership varied

* “Inatrucciones reservadas que la Junta de Estado creada formalm'* por mi decreto de este
dia deben observar en todos sus puntos y ramos encargados a su conocimiento y dictamen.”’ July
8, 1787, found together with the Royal decree, op. cit.; same in Andrés Muriel, Gobierno del
Sefior Rey Don Carlos III, 6 Instruccién Reservada para direccién de la Junta de Estado que
Oreé Este Monarca, (Paris, 1838), 105-415; Don Antonio Ferrer del Rio [Editor], Biblioteca
de Autores Espafioles, (Madrid, 1899), LIX, (Obras Originales del Conde de Floridablanca y

_escritos referentes a su persona), 213-272. These last two sources are from Floridablanca’s

later writings and the Jnstruccién contains only 395 articles.

* See meetings of February 27, April 10, May 13, 1792; and Manuel Danvila y Collado,
El Poder Civil en Espafia, 6 volumes, (Madrid, 1885-1886), IV, 820.

5 Meetings of July 16, and November 16, 1792.

* Other bodies under the name of Consejo de Estado were created in the nineteenth century,
notably that of 1809, created by the Oonstitution of Bayonne, and that of 1812, created by the
Spanish Cortes and which provided for colonial representation. At least two others were

or example see Samuel Flagg Bemis, w’s Treaty, a Study of America’s Advantage
From Europe’s ress, (Baltimore, 1926), 343 note 12, 365.

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Materials Relating to Mississippi. Valley 7

greatly, and was entirely dependent upon the royal whim and will.
Its most dignified function was to serve as a consultative body in
regards to foreign relations, treaties and the relations of the Royal
Family. At times the influence of the Consejo de Estado was felt
in all branches, civil, military and judicial, of the government of
Spain, but by the reforms of Philip V (1701-1746) and Charles III
(1759-1788) the influence of the body depreciated considerably and
membership became almost entirely honorary.®

The antecedents of the Junta de Estado were the secretariats
of the Kings. In 1705 the duties of the secretariat were divided and
separate secretaries were engaged for the affairs of War and
Finance and all other duties were relegated to another member. In
1714 more offices were created and the secretaries began to be
mentioned as ministers and a “cabinet council” was suggested. _

An expansion of these secretaryships throughout the century
was accompanied by a gradual absorption of the powers of the old
consejeros. As administrative heads the secretaries were required
to have a greater knowledge of the affairs of state, and, because of
this, were given more personal initiative and responsibility in the
conduct of the government.!®

During the war with England, 1779-1783, ini were brought
together at frequent intervals and for practical purposes might be
considered as ministers. After the definitive Treaty of Versailles,
1783, the meetings became less frequent and disputes concerning
jurisdiction and overlappings of duties began to arise. Secretary
Don Antonio de Valdés suggested to the Conde de Floridablanca,
Minister of State, that the various secretaries should meet at regu-
_Jar intervals. Floridablanca prepared the Confidential Instruction
and persuaded Charles III to promulgate it together with the Gsetee
formally creating the Junta de Estado."

| This body was the first true ministerial government in Spain.2

It was highly responsible to the King, yet very liberal in its policies.
Its members were not incompetent favorites; they were, on the
whole, self-made men, efficient and progressive. The Junta con-

® Danvilla y Collado, El Poder Civil en Espafia, II, 212. Several other eminent bodies were
co-existent with the Consejo, but were usually well limited to the administrative or consultative
duties. Prominent among these were the Consejo Real, Consejo de Castilla, and the Cémara de
Castilla. A series of documents relative to the Consejo de Estado dating from the year 1380 is
in the Archivo General de Simancas.—Ibid., IV, 321-323.
® Rafael Altamira y Orevea. Historia de Bepatia y de la Civilizacién Espaftola, 4 volumes,
1913), IV, 162-163.

11 Muriel, Gobierno de Carlos III, 88-89.
12 Danvila y Collado, Poder Civil en Espafia, IV, 49.

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8 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

tained no representatives from the Army, the Church, nor of privi-
lege. Nor did it represent the people in any sense. It cannot,
therefore, be rightly called a representative body; rather it was a
royal government, efficiently managed by a group of men who were
patriotic, competent and very loyal to their sovereign and to
Spain.}*

Just as the creation and existence of the Junta de Estado repre-
‘sents reform in the government of Spain, the re-establishment of
the Consejo de Estado connotes reaction. It was presumed that a
liberal government could not be trusted to cope adequately with the
problems created by the French Revolution, and a fear of reper-
cussions in Spain of what had occurred in neighboring France
‘made the aristocracy more interested in the management of the
affairs of government, and more fearful of liberalism. The incom-
petence of Charles IV perhaps suffices to explain his action in
abolishing the Junta, which in itself is most certainly a retrogres-
sive step from the intelligent level of the Spanish royal family
under his more illustrious father.

It is well known that both Floridablanca and the Conde de
Aranda had made themselves extremely odious to the better class of
Spaniards and there was undoubtedly a very strong reaction to
Floridablanca which was vented upon the Junta de Estado simply
because it had been his creation.* Floridablanca has been accused
of creating the Junta for his own aggrandizement and it is more
than possible that his influence in Spanish politics could not have
been broken in any other manner than to change the governmental
structure. Both he and Aranda were soon removed from the high
stations of power by Charles IV who made Manuel Godoy, El] Du-.
que de Alcudia, his first Secretary of State. The latter, by devious
means, soon came to occupy first place in the administration of
Spanish affairs. |

The other members of the Junta were retained as ordinary
members of the Consejo,* but additions were made from the army,
the church and the aristocracy, which fact made the body repre-
sentative of at least a small portion of the people. That efficiency

18 Muriel, Gobierno de Carlos III, 3, 73. There were seven ministries at this time.

14 **Segin algunos censores descontentos o de mal intencién, la Junta se ha creado tan
solamente para quitar al soberano su libre eleccién, y para ee el ministro de estado la
autoridad de todos los departamentos, haciendo a sus compatieros dependientes de su voluntad,’’—
Floridablanca, quoted in Muriel, Gobierno de Carlos III, 97.

15 Additional information may be gathered from a set of 25 expedientes in A. H. N. Estado,
2863. Exzpediente No. 14 is entitled Apuntes de Régimen para el Consejo de Estado. Su Abertura
en 10 Abril, 1792 en Aranjuez, dated at Aranjuez, April 8, 1792. This expediente contains de-
tails of the reorganization of the Consejo and the new instructions for that body. Before the re-

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 9

was not entirely overlooked in the new organization can be seen in
the appointment of men like Diego de Gardoqui who labored con-
- scientiously for Spain and the Crown.

After the decree of 1792 the Consejo came to be considered
primarily as a consultative body and the ministers were soon re-
stricted by a resolution to conduct all business by expediente rather
than by department.'® As the expedientes were drawn up under
the direction of Godoy, and as the Consejo could only meet with
the King presiding and at the residence of the King, the meetings
were called mainly to hear the will of the Sovereign and the First
Secretary. As a result the body became, politically, such a non-
entity that a decree was promulgated in 1798 extolling the virtues
and honors of membership.*?

Because of the fact that these two eminent bodies represented,
or at least reflected, the supreme power in the government of the
Spanish Empire; the record of their proceedings is the best possible
source for Spanish colonial policy.

Though the problems arising from the
and Spanish-American frontiers often demanded immediate action
on the part of local officials, no su¢h action could be termed more

forms of Philip V and Charles III the members of the Consejo had come together as equals and
— not observed any precedent other than that of age and had seated themselves informally at
the meeting, but from this expediente we find that the seating was according to seniority.

Esta sufjeto no lo
iere S|.M. y—|[blotted out]

Decano 1 2 Almodovar
Valdés 3 | 4 Bajamar
Astorga 5 mesa | 6 Campo de Alange
Asalto 7 8 Florez
Campomanes 9 10 Gardoqui
Secretario
This seating plan is from expediente 14, and the details concerning seniority are given in

the text.—Meeting of April 1792, post.

16 In the meeting of April 10, 1795. Floridablanca considered to be one of the great values
of the Junta, the fact that the Ministers would have to be very efficient in a, their briefs
for the surveillance of fellow members.—Muriel, Gobierno de Carlos III,

17 Danvila y Collado, Poder Civil en Espaiia, 321.

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10 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

than provisional until it had been approved by the home govern-
ment. The general procedure was that the commandant in a sub-
ordinate jurisdiction would inform the governor-general at New
Orleans of all acts or problems of his government. As the governor-
general had but very limited initiative he in turn would consult the
Captain-general at Havana and the proper ministries in Spain.
Matters of unusual importance or interest were prepared as briefs
by the ministers (and after April, 1795, as expedientes under the
direction of the Minister of State) and presented to the supreme
authority for consultation, deliberation and resolution by and for
His Majesty.

The resolutions resulting from the deliberations were usually
returned to the governor-general as the royal will and were to be
used by him for precise fulfillment. Months, sometimes a year
later, the decision of the home government would reach the frontier
settlement.

Such an extremely paternalistic system greatly lowered the
efficiency of all colonial officials and often adversely affected the
welfare of the colonies because of the delay, conservative home
policy and lack of knowledge concerning the more remote posses-
sions. Yet the enormous correspondence entailed has left a vast
record for the modern historian. Most of the correspondence of
colonial officials has been preserved in the Archivo General de
Indias at Seville. But as valuable as this material is, a true under-
standing of Spanish frontier relations cannot be obtained without
consulting the colonial and European correspondence of the min-
isters in the Archivo Histoérico Nacional at Madrid.

The most significant of this correspondence was brought
together in the Junta and the Consejo de Estado, where combined
with the discussions of the diplomatic relations with the United
States, France and England, the result was an expression of the
ultimate Spanish policy. No more authoritative source for this
policy for the decade 1788-1798 can be found than in the minutes of
the acts of the Suprema Junta de Estado and the Supremo Consejo
de Estado. |

For this reason the first of the undersigned editors was very
anxious to consult the minutes for material relative to his chosen
field of study, the Upper Mississippi Valley during the period of
Spanish rule. This opportunity came in the academic year of 1930-
1931 during his investigation of the wealth of material in the Span-

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 11

ish Archives. Though this editor has to a large degree limited
himself to study of the upper reaches of the Red River and the
Arkansas, Missouri and Mississippi rivers, the material relating
to the entire Mississippi valley was found to be so significant that
he took excerpts and notes on all of the ten volumes though not
always relating directly to his limited field of study.

As the decision to publish this material as a calendar is the
result of perusal of notes rather than forethought, the editors have
found it convenient to supplement in part and to supply omissions
from the few modern writers who have consulted or cited these
volumes, notably Samuel Flagg Bemis, William Ray Manning and |
Arthur Preston Whitaker. This has been done largely for the use
of students who wish to pursue further study of the problems in-
volved, and has been achieved in two ways: first, by quoting in full
or in part from printed summaries and excerpts; and secondly, by
specifically citing works that have drawn upon the minutes of the
various meetings as bases for conclusions even though the writers
have used different material than the editors have chosen to in-
clude in this calendar. In either instance, full credit is generally
given and the method used is clearly indicated. The editors hope
that this will serve as an index to the materials relating to the Mis-
sissippi valley in the ten volumes of the minutes preserved in the
Archivo Histérico Nacional.

The form used in this calendar is essentially that of the
originals of the minutes as found in the Archivo at Madrid. The
meetings are listed chronologically, with a very few minor excep-
tions, as they occur in the originals. Each volume is indicated and
the comprehensive dates and the archival numbers, which run from
917 to 927 inclusive, are given.

The editors have been particularly anxious to preserve the text
of the material and have translated with the view to the greatest
possible word for word accuracy, and as minutes are necessarily
short and concise, there has been no attempt to secure a polished
literary form. |

In editing the calendar of the minutes the editors have made a
serious effort to use available material to identify and locate as
many of the letters mentioned or quoted as possible. The major
portion of the correspondence cited is in the private library of
- transcripts, photostats and excerpts from the originals in Spain,
owned by the first of the undersigned editors. Some valuable por-

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42 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

tions are now available in photostatic reproductions in the Library
of Congress and a relatively small amount has been translated and
printed.

In most instances an effort has been made to identify persons
and events referred to in the minutes. Usually this has been done
by specific references to printed materials in addition to manuscript
materials and no attempt to fully explain events or to give complete
biographical sketches of men cited has been made. Topical refer-
ences have been included for the use of the student who wishes to
further his studies and in each instance the selection has been made
largely for its value to the student.

The editors have in no sense attempted to cite all the printed
and documentary references relating to the subject and no attempt
has been made in this introduction to give a full account of the con-
stitutional evolution of the many consejos in the history of Spain.
We have not listed all the meetings of the Junta and the Consejo
and have indicated in the main only materials pertaining to the
Mississippi valley. In no sense is the calendar to be considered a
complete one, but we trust that the major portion of important ma-
terials relative to the Mississippi valley has been included.

We wish to make acknowledgement to Dr. Leslie P. Brown,
head of the Romance Language Department of San Diego State
College, for his valuable assistance in rendering difficult passages
into English.

Abraham P. Nasatir
Ernest R. Liljegren

San Diego, California
June 10, 1937

918! MINUTAS DE LAS ACTAS DE LA SUPREMA
JUNTA DE ESTADO

Volume I: 1788

February 8, 1788
[First meeting of the Junta entered in this volume. ]

1The suffix 2d appears here. This refers to the second volume of this series. The first
volume contains the decree of creation. But as this volume is also entitled volume I of the actas
the editors have preserved the latter form.

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 13

April 7, 1788
Commerce of Louisiana."

April 14, 1788
Informing about resolutions adopted relative to action taken
with regard to commerce with Louisiana.’”

April 21, 1788
The establishment of a beer factory in Louisiana.'¢

September 1, 1788
Fire in New Orleans, March 21; 856 edifices burned.*

September 22, 1788
Commerce of Louisiana;* Santiago Mather and William Pan-
ton ;* grant to them of trading privileges.

18 Quoted from Don Miguel Gémez del Campillo, ‘Translation of the cal Statement
of Manuscripts and Documents to be found in the Archivo Histérico Nacional, carid Spain,
Relative to Louisiana’, in Louisiana Historical Society Publications, 1V, No. 4, 131. is a
list of a bach co of items to be found in the Archivo Histérico Nacional. It does not give specific
citation as to where the materials may be found in the archive, nor is it of any great value at
the present time. The notations are short and sometimes inaccurate. The learned Sefior Don
Campillo, who was Jefe of the Archivo when the first of the editors was last in Spain, has a
much better and more specific guide to the several legajos which vetee to America. A manu-
script copy of this guide is in the Library of Congress.

1» Ibid.

1e Listed without month or day in Campillo, loc. cit., 131.

*An account of this fire may be found in Charles ag ry History of Louisiana Spanish
Domination, (New York. 1867), 203-205. The report of Miré and Navarro on the fire, dated
April 1, 1788, is printed in the Louisiana Historical Society Publications, VIII, 59-62. Under
date of September 80. 1788, Miré and Navarro informed the King that the loss caused by the
fire reached $2,595,561.00. This session is listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 131.

* This meeting is given in full in Arthur Preston Whitaker, Documents Relating to the Com-
mercial Policy of Spain in the Floridas, (Deland, Florida, 1931), 99-103. For the general com-
mercial policy of Spain see especially the introduction, and Arthur Preston Whitaker, The
—— American Frontier: 1783-1795. the Westward Movement and the Spanish Retreat in the

ississippi Valley, (Cambridge, 1927).

* Mather and Strother Company was a New Orleans firm which had a concession to supply
a ship load of merchandise a year to each of the ports of Pensacola and Mobile. As the com
was unable to finance the entire project, Panton was omnes the trade at Pensacola in 1785. 5. Three
years later Panton succeeded the company at Mobile as well

William Panton was born in Scotland in 1742 [ Ct}. He emigrated to America and entered
business in Charleston during the period 1770-1775. ue largely to his royalistic activities he
went to East Florida in 1775 and organized Panton, Forbes and Company. From this year
until 1784, he was engaged in building up a large trade with the Creek Indians and developed
a considerable influence among this nation. After 1784 he lived in West Florida. To resist
the incursions of the American traders and having no organized trading campany of their own,
the Spaniards permitted Panton to tically mp yy ti the trade in the Old South West. A
new company had been formed, the Panton, Leslie and eg 4 20 f and its members were allowed
to operate without loss of British citizenshi or freedom of religion. This firm had its head-
quarters at Pensacola, and had a chain of branches, agents, and posts extending from Havana
and Nassau to New Orleans, and from Mobile to Chicasaw Bluffs. A firm in London supplied
them with merchandise and marketed all peltries and other goods obtained from the Indians.
Panton suffered heavy losses in the last few years of his life due to competition of American
traders who operated under a more liberal policy. Panton died on February 26, 1801, having
influenced perhaps more than any other one man the course of Spanish-Indian frontier relations
in the South West during the last years of the eighteenth century. The growth of Panton, Leslie
and Company and the activities of Panton are discussed in Whitaker. Documents Relating to the
Commercial Policy of Spain in the Floridas, xxx to xxxix; see also documents relating to Panton

published in the Florida Historical Society Quarterly, almost continuously since April, 1933;
er Whitaker. Spanish-American Frontier, consult index: a biographical sketch by Marie Taylor
Greenslade is to be found in the Florida Historical Society Quarterly, XIV, 107-129; and

of American Biography.

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“14 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

November 20, 1788

Concerning the attracting of settlers to Louisiana; propositions
submitted by Wilkinson who is to be substituted for D’Argés as
Spain’s agent in Kentucky; neither of Wilkinson’s proposals ac-
cepted ;° his proposal for Spain to foment revolution in the United
States’ west rejected. Spain to have no connection with the Ameri-
can west until they declare their independence; to continue Wilkin-
son’s correspondence but neither Miré nor any other Spanish offi-
cial to intervene in the West. All American frontiersmen to be
allowed use of the Mississippi as far as New Orleans upon payment
of fifteen percent duty, but this duty might be reduced to six per-
cent at Mir6’s discretion. General rules for admission of Ameri-
cans into Louisiana set up; land grants, religious toleration, equal
commercial privileges with other Spanish subjects granted to emi-
grants who take oath of loyalty to Spain and become bona fide
settlers.®

[This meeting was the last one entered in this volume; no meet-
ing is recorded from the beginning of December until Febru-
ary 2, 1789. Eugenio de Llaguno was secretary; this is well
written with marginal notes. ]

919 MINUTAS DE LAS ACTAS DE LA SUPREMA
JUNTA DE ESTADO

Volume II: 1789, 1790

February 2, 1789

[First meeting entered in this volume. ]
Deals with commerce.

February 16, 1789
Deals largely with commerce.

February 19, 1789

Commerce in negroes and concerning negro slaves.

5 Wilkinson’s first memorial and the decision of the Junta upon it may be found in full

in the Archivo Histérico Nacional, Seccién, Papeles de Estado, (Madrid), Legajo 3893A (herein-
after cited A. H. N. Estado) translated in William R. Shepherd, ‘‘Papers bearing on James Wilkin-
son’s Relations with Spain’. in American Historical Review, IX, 749-750; and in Spanish in
Manuel Serrano y Sanz. Fl Brigadier Jaime Wilkinson y Sus Tratos Con Espatia Para la
Independencia del Kentucky (Afios 1787 4 1797), (Madrid, 1915), 19, 20.
* Ibid.; this meeting of the Junta is cited in Whitaker, Spanish-American Frontier, 101-102,
and in Campillo, loc. cit., 131. These problems are very fully discussed and sources cited in
Gayarré, History of Louisiana, Spanish Domination; Samuel Flagg Bemis. Pinckney’s Treaty, a
Study of America’s Advantage From Europe’s Distress 1783-1800, (Baltimore, 1926); and in
ham meee Spanish-American Frontier. There is a vast literature dealing with Wilkinson and his
ntrigues.

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley oF ae

March 30, 1789
Nootka Sound; the Martinez voyages.’

April 6, 1789
Discoveries north of California.

May 25, 1789

Commerce of Louisiana. Proposal to nominate Gayoso as
commander and governor of Natchez."

October 12, 1789

“In view of what the governor of Louisiana, Don Esteban
Mir6é, states concerning how fitting it would be for the King to
promote to colonel, the Lieutenant-Colonel Don Gayoso de Lemos,
Governor of the post of Natchez, it appeared that His Majesty may
consent to it; for it is added that this promotion is very fitting for
the services, circumstances and experience of this official in his
important position [Natchez] where he will be subject to frequent
visits and where he will govern the various foreign colonists who
come to establish themselves in those territories’”’.®

December 21, 1789

[This is the last meeting of this year that is entered in this
Sora) Session of August 17, 1789, follows that of Decem-

January 4, 1790
[The first meeting of 1790 that is entered in Volume = a

January 11, 1790
Commerce of Negroes [not Louisiana. ]

March 8, 1790
East Florida.

* The Nootka Sound Controversy is very adequately treated in great detail in William Ray
Manning, “The Nootka Sound Controversy’’ in American Historical Association, Annual renee
1904. (Washington, 1905), 279-478: cf. post, note 10, see also a summary in Samuel agg
Bemis, Jayw’s Treaty. A study in Commerce and Diplomacy. (New York, 1923), 52- bbe the effect
of the Nootka affair and its reaction upon Spanish in the Mississippi Valley is discussed
in Whitaker, Spanish-American Frontier, Chapter X.

oted from Campillo, loc. cit., 132.

. nuel Gayoso de Lemos was A sen in 1752. He was educated in England where he at-
tained a perfect command of the language. In 1787 he was a lieutenant-colonel of the Spanish
infantry attached with the embassy at Lisbon. He was called to Madrid and given the commis-
sion as governor of Natchez, where he was to facilitate emigration from the United States to
Louisiana. He married in Spain, but his bride died in 1789, shortly after their arrival in America.
In 1795 he was promoted to colonel and shortly after to brigadier. In 1797 he remarried, to
a Miss Watts whose father was an influential American residing in the district. In the same
year he succeeded Carondelet as Governor-General of Louisiana and West Florida. He held this

until his death on July 18, 1799. In his political dealings Gayoso de Lemos was suave: but

. He was well liked by all and had a reputation for honesty that was rare among Spanish
officials. There is a wealth of manuscript material in the Spanish archives dealing with Gayoso’s
career in America. He certainly deserves a biographer.

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16 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

March 15, 1790
Dissension with England concerning Nootka. ~-

March 22, 1790

Nootka: “The question considered was as to the reply that
should be made to England. The matter had been discussed in the
preceding junta. At this meeting of March 22, Valdez, the minister
for marine, presented in writing his version of the proper reply.
Though it is not given, its import may be divined from the report
which accompanied it. He told of abundant military preparations
at the principal places in the Indies, of what was needed to com-
plete their equipment,.and the orders that could be given to insure
their security. He also reported on the state of the Spanish navy,
telling of the ships at the three naval stations of Cadiz, Ferrol, and
Carthagena. There were 45 ships of the line and 32 frigates ready
to be armed at once; and in addition 24 of the former and 7 of the
latter could be prepared in a short time. The chief of the council
for the Indies, Porlier,‘also.presented his opinion in writing. Others
gave oral advice, and it was left to Floridablanca to formulate the
reply to the English Court. Valdez received royal orders to collect
a squadron at Cadiz to be ready for emergencies, and to take the |
steps necessary to put Honduras, Trinidad, and Porto Rico in a
state of defense.’’®

March 29, 1790

Nootka: “At the next junta, which was March 29, the min-
ister for marine presented another report. This was dated March
28 and was embodied in the minutes of the session of the following
day. In it Valdez says that in consequence of the reply which the
junta of one week before had agreed should be sent to the Court
of London by Floridablanca, and in compliance with the precau-
tionary measures which the department of marine was ordered to
take in the Indies and in Spain, he had proceeded promptly, with
His Majesty’s approval, to execute the orders which follow in the
report. Vessels were to be armed at once in Ferrol, Carthagena
and Cadiz, and, the real purpose being kept as secret as possible, a
sufficient number were to be collected at the last-named port to
form a respectable squadron for use in case later occurrences

® Copy of the minutes of this meeting from A. H. N. Estado, 4291 summarized in Manning,
‘“‘Nootka Sound Controversy’’, loc. cit., 372. Also listed as being in ng, Hoos copy in Library
of Congress, “Nootka Sound Controversy”, 270-271.—James Alexander bertson, List of Docu-
ments in the Spanish Archives Relating to the History of the United States, Which have been
gpg or of which transcripts are preserved in American Libraries, (Washington, D. C., 1910),

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley | 17

should make it necessary. The vessels that needed it were to be
cleaned and repaired as rapidly as possible. Those out of port
were to be detained under arms at Cadiz when they returned. Pro-
visions were being collected. The officials of Havana, Santo Do-
mingo, Porto Rico, and Trinidad were ordered to strengthen their
positions. At the same session Floridablanca read the reply which
Campo, the ambassador at London, was to present to the English
Ministry.’’?°

April 26, 1790

Change of administration; colonial offices suppressed; busi-
ness of the Indies to be given to the various ministries in Spain.”

May 8, 1790
Nootka.

May 10, 1790

Nootka; East Florida; settlers of Louisiana. Distribution of
some expedientes among the secretarios del despacho.

Given to Marina: Arreglo of the department of San Blas, etc.
: Given to Estado: East Florida; Nootka; capture of English

ships; limits between Louisiana and the United States. |

Given to Guerra: Indian relations with the United States;
treaties of transmigration; dependency of the State of Franklin
upon Spain. |

[These are just titles of expedientes containing the material

listed that was distributed. ]

. May 16, 1790
Nootka.

May 24, 1790
Nootka.

May 31, 1790 | ;
Nootka.

June 7, 1790
Nookta. |

10 Copy of the minutes of this meeting from A. H. N. Estado, 4291, summarized in Manning
“Nootka Sound Controversy’’, loc. sit., 373. Also listed as being in legajo 4291, copy in Lib of
Congress, [bid., 274-275——-Robertson, op. cit. The copies of the minutes for these two meetings
in legajo 4291 have not been consulted in the paration of this guide.
mis bye ~ Sapa, also sent to liberate the En ship.— Manning, ‘‘Nootka Sound Controversy”,

11 This meeting is cited in Whitaker, Spanish-American Frontier, 18.

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18 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

June 14, 1790 |

Nootka; Louisiana; letter of Miré’? to Campo Alange of Feb-
ruary 26, last, in which Miré tells of the effects of the voyage of
Gayoso de Lemos to the states of Franklin and Cumberland, etc. ;
also relative to relations between the United States and the Tala-
puche Indians; American Congress dissolved without making
treaty; McGillivray.’

July 25, 1790
Memoir presented to France concerning Nootka."

September 13, 1790
Nootka; Project for agreement concerning Nootka delivered
by the English Ambassador.

September 16, 1790
Idem.

October 18, 1790
Treaty with England.*®

October 27, 1790
Idem.

12 Esteban Rodriguez Miré was born in Catalonia. During the American revolution he was
aide-de-camp to Bernardo de GAlvez and later became commander of the Louisiana regiment. In
1782 he was made acting governor of Louisiana and three years later received the permanent
appointment to that position. After 1788 he held, in addition, the office of intendant. On De-
cember 30, 1791, he was succeeded by Carondelet and went to Spain where in his residencia he
had to answer to charges of profiting from his intrigues with Wilkinson. He was vindicated, pro-
moted to the rank of brigadier general and later to that of field marshall. He died in Spain
before 1796 [%]. His administration of Louisiana was on the whole successful due in part to
the fact that he married a Céleste Macarty, daughter of a wealthy creole planter. He is best
known for his intrigues with Wilkinson, O’Fallon and others. During his administration trade
restrictions were relaxed somewhat and Americans were encouraged to settle in the province.

13 This session listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 133.

Alexander McGillivray was the son of a Scotch trader and itician and a Creek-French
half breed woman, and was born in 1759. Though he was a chief of the Wind Clan of the
Upper Creeks he was well educated and lived as a wealthy planter on a large estate and had
many slaves. During the Revolution he was in the British service as an agent among the
Southern Indians. After the Treaty of 1784 he was the Spanish commissary with a salary of
six hundred dollars per year. His duty was to enforce the trade monopoly with the Creek In-
dians. Because of financial losses incurred by his father at the hands of the Georgia patriots
during the Revolution. McGillivary used his influence to incite the Indians to depredations
against the American frontiersmen. In 1790, he was persuaded to go to New York where on
August 7 he signed the Treaty of New York which was satisfactory to the United States but
contrary to the Treaty of 1784 with Spain. A secret clause in this treaty gave McGillivray a
salary of eighteen hundred dollars per year and a commission as brigadier general from the
United States government. The remonstrances of his friend William Panton, together with a
subsidy from Spain of two thousand dollars (later raised to thirty five hundred dollars)
motivated a repudiation of the Treaty of New York. He died of pneumonia and a complication
of “‘gout of the stomach’’ on February 17, 1793. Additional material may be found in Arthur
Preston Whitaker, The Mississippi Question 1795-1803, A Study in Trade, Politics and Diplo-
macy, (New York, 1934); Gayarré, History of Lowisiana, Spanish Domination; Bemis,
Pinckney’s Treaty; Dumas Malone [Editor] Dictionary of A an Biography, 20 volumes,
(New York, 1928-1936).

14Fernan Nufiez to Montmorin, Paris, June 16, 1790, printed in English translation in
The Annual Register: or a View of the History. Politics and Literature For the Year 1790,
(London, 1793), XXXII, 301; and Manning, “The Nootka Sound Controversy”, loc. cit., 393.

18 The Nootka Sound Convention, signed at El Escorial, October 28, 1790, is given in English
translation in the Annual Register, XXXII, 303-305; and in Manning, ‘‘Nootka Sound Con-
troversy’”’. loc. cit., 454-456. Other documents relative to the controversy may be found in the
Annual Register, XXXII, 284-305; cf. supra, notes 9 and 10.

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 19

November 17, 1790
Intendancy of Louisiana Rendon.??

November 22, 1790

Concerning the unwillingness of the King to re-establish the
Intendancy of Louisiana.
December 20, 1790

Louisiana; letter of Gayoso, and the Governor of Louisiana
concerning tobacco and other matters. The Junta decided to reduce
the amount of tobacco to be purchased to forty thousand pounds
a year, or at a maximum price of ten dollars per hundred weight,
up to four thousand dollars worth per year.'*

December 28, 1790
- Louisiana; navigation of the Mississippi; tobacco, ete.

December 27, 1790
[This is the last meeting of the year.]

920 MINUTAS DE LAS ACTAS DEL SUPREMO
é CONSEJO DE ESTADO

Volume III: 1791, 1792

January 3, 1791
[This is the first meeting entered in Volume III.]

January 24, 1791
‘ Commerce of Louisiana.}*

February 21, 1791
Affairs of Nootka.

16 The intendancy as an institution of government in Spanish America is discussed in Lil-
lian Estelle Fisher. The Intendant System in Spanish America, (Berkeley, 1929); and in
William Whatley Pierson, Jr. ‘“The Establishment and Functioning of the Intendancy of Cuba”’
in James Sprunt Historical Studies, XTX, No. 2, 74-133. Gayoso de Lemos gives a history of
the intendancy in Louisiana in two letters to the Prince of Peace, Nos. 2 and 3, New Orleans,
September 5, 1797, A. H. N. Estado, 3900.

17 This meeting listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 133.

Francisco Rendén was a Spanish agent, or observer in Philadelphia until appointed in-
tendant of Louisiana. He held this latter post and worked harmoniously with governor
of the province from 1794 until 1796. In April of the latter year he left Louisiana to take
> 9 — of intendant of Zacatecas. His successor at New Orleans was Juan Ventura

or

18 The meetings of December 20 and 23 are listed in Campillo, loc. cit. 133. Whitaker
cites this session in his Spanish-American Frontier, 159, 160, and gives as reasons for this
act the fact that the tobacco of Louisiana was considered to be of inferior quality and that the
factory at Seville was overstocked. As the government had purchased as high as two million
pounds year this was a great hardship to the Louisiana planters.

ise Listed in Campillo, loc, cit., 134,

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20 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

June 13, 1791
Boat from Louisiana.1>

October 17, 1791

Following were present: Floridablanca, Valdés, Bajamar,
Campo de Alange.

Commercial ordinance for Louisiana; Gardoqui recommended |
the granting of absolute freedom of trade to Louisiana and Florida
with Europe and America and with all foreign nations which had
reciprocal treaties of commerce with Spain. Gardoqui’s view
adopted in a slightly different fashion in order not to cause ill
feeling and envy in other American possessions not enjoying free-
dom of trade.}®

December 28, 1791
[This is the last meeting of this year. ]

January 2, 1792
[First meeting of this year.]

February 27, 1792

Letter of Las Casas, dated December 3, 1791,” fixed regiment
of Louisiana lacks 462 men.

[Note at end.] “This was the last Junta de Estado; see on
the other side the decree for its extinction and that of the
re-establishment of the Consejo.” [This decree was not found
in the place specified. ]

921 MINUTAS DE LAS ACTAS DEL SUPREMO
CONSEJO DE ESTADO

Volume I [IV]: 1792

April 10, 1792
This is the first Consejo de Estado and it met at Aranj uez,?!

18> Listed as of June 3 in Campillo, loc. cit., 134.

18 Given in full in English translation in Whitaker, Documents Relating to the Oommer-
cial Policy of Spain in the Floridas, 151-153. The he general i to liberalize trade is demon-
strated by the Instruciones Reservadas, op. cit., articles XCVII dnd XCVIII, ef. introduction.
Also listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 134.

© Las Casas to Floridablanca, Havana, December 3, 1791, listed as being in Archivo Gen-
eral de Indias, Papeles del Ministerio de "Estado, Audiencia de Santo Dom omingo, copy in the
Department of Archives and History, Jackson, Mississippi, maa Documents.— n,
List of Documents, 255. This session listed in Campillo, loc.

21 Fechas de los nombramientos de los Sefiores Consejeros y Secretarios de Estado u del
Despacho que podrdn concurrir; (1) Decano, (2) Almodévar, (3) Valdés, 8 de Octubre, 1789,
(48 ewe g 13 de Enero, 1789, (5) Astorga, 12 de set® [?i, 1789, (6) Campo de Alange, 25
Abril, 1790, (7) Asalto, 30 Abril, 1790, (8) Florez, 6 Junio, 1790, (9) Campomanes, 19 os
ven (10) Gardoqui, 25 Marzo, 1792.—A. H. N. Estado, 2863, expediente 14; ef. note 15

troduction.

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 21

The King presided.?? The following Sevores were present: Aranda
(Decano), Almodévar, Valdés, Bajamar, Astorga, Campo de
Alange, Asalto, Florez, Campomanes, Gardoqui.

February 28, 1792, I received the two following decrees of |
the King: re-establishment of the Consejo de Estado and the Junta
Suprema de Estado created on July 8, 1787, consequently ceases
to exist. Decree that all Secretarios de Estado y del Despacho
shall be members of the said Consejo. Decano named by King;
Aranda named.”* The second decree named Aranda-Decano, and
gave orders. Aranda supplants Floridablanca** as First Secretary -
of State.

Members :5
Duque de Almodévar (oldest member as a Consejero), Don
Antonio Valdés (October 3, 1787), Marqués de Bajamar (January

23 It a that the rule established by Charles I in 1526, that the King alone could pre-
side over Consejo de Estado had been maintained by the court. Charles IV reigned from
1788 until his abdication in 1808. For full discussions of this period consult Hermann Baum-
gartner, Geschichte Spaniens Vom Ausbriich der franzésischen Revolution bie auf wnsere Tage,
3 volumes, (Leipzig, 1865-1871); Andrés Muriel, Historia de Carlos IV, 6 volumes, (Madrid,
1898-1894), volumes XXVIII- XXXIV of Memorial Histérico Espaiiol-Coleccién de Documentos,

oe ona pag uw Antiquedades que Publica la Real Academia de Historia; José Gomez de Arteche,
einado de Carlos IV, 3 Walumee, (Madrid, 1892); shorter accounts may be found in Altamira
a Crevea, Historia de Espaia ; Modesta La Fuente, Historia General de Espafia Desde los
Tiempos rimitinos Hasta la Muerte de Fernando VII, 6 volumes, a 1883).
* Pedro Pablo Abarca de Bolea, Conde de Aranda was born in Ato August 1, 1719.
As a general in the Spanish Army he introduced the Prussian system of As President of
the Council of Castile he was an inflexible administrator and carried out many reforms. He
was ambassador at Paris from 1773 to 1787 and for a short period of time was first Secretary
of State. His uncontrollable temper which was becoming more obnoxious with age probably was
the basis for his early replacement though the reason given was that of his advanced age. He
died January 9, 1798, at the age of seventy nine years. For an interesting account of Aranda
see A. Morel-Fatio, Etudes Sur VEepagne, (Paris, 1906), 148-171.

24 JosA Monino y Redondo,’ Conde de Floridablanca, son of a retired army officer, was
born October 21, 1728. After a successful embassy at Rome he succeeded Grimaldi as first
Minister to Charles III. He retained this office until 1792, when through Godoy’s influence
he was dismissed and imprisoned. He remained in seclusion until 1808, when he was nominated
President of the Central Junta at Aranjuez. He died on November 20 of the same year.

7 35 Antonio Valdés was born in Burgos, 1744, and died in Madrid on April 4, 1816. He was

Ministro de la Marina when only 38 years of age and upon the death of José de GAlvez in 1787
was appointed minister of war and treasury for the colonies. He held this latter position until
April 25, 1790, when the two colonial ministries were abolished and their duties redistributed
among the appropriate secretaries. He was then appointed minister of the Marina for Spain
and the colonies and in case Floridablanca was indisposed he was to take charge of the foreign
office [Estado] cf. meeting of April 26, 1790. He retained a commanding position at court
where he intrigued to bring about Godoy’s removal until 1795. Cesé en el Ministerio de Marina,
a sonebeusunta de sus repetidas instancias, en Noviembre, 1795. He died as Decano del Con-
sejo de Estado and President of the Aaanbies de San Juan, at the age of 72 years.

Antonio Porlier was the Marqués de Bajamar.

Manuel José Antonio Hilario. the second Conde del Campo de Alange, was conceded the
rank of honorary grandee of Spain in 1792 by Charles IV. He was a captain-general, minister
of war, and Ambassador to Vienna and Lisbon. He died in 1818. See Diccionario Enciclopédico
Hispano-Americano, IV. 879.

Pedro Rodriguez, Conde de Campomanes, statesman and writer, was born in Asturias on
yay 1, 1723, of a very humble family. In 1764 he was chosen President of the Real Academia

de Historia and was re-elected to that position for twenty-six consecutive years. He was actin
President of the Real Consejo de Castilla from 1783 to 1788 and until 1793 was President o
that body. During his tenure of office he sought to reform taxes, promote industry and trade
and to improve education. His principal wvition include two excellent essays: Discurso Sobre
el Fomento de la Industria P r, 1774, and Sobre la Educacién Popular de los Arte-
sanos y Su Fomento, 1775.

Diego de Gardoqui was the son of Joseph de Gardoqui, of Bilbao, whose firm, Gardoqui
and Sons, had been the chief agent for the nish government in secretly supplying military
stores to the American revolutionists. With a knowledge of English as an advantage, he form-
ally entered the official service in 1780. In 1784 he was given the rank of encargado de
negocios and was sent to the United States to arrange a treaty to delimit the Spanish-

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22 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

18, 1789), Marqués de Astorga (November 12, 1789), Conde del
Campo de Alange (April 25, 1790), Conde del Asalto (April 30,
1790), Don Manuel Antonio Florez (June 6, 1790), Conde de
Campomanes (April 19, 1791), Don Diego Gardoqui (March 25,
1792.) Instructions for carrying on Consejo, etc. Meetings, pow-
ers, and procedure. Eugenio de Llaguno, secretary.

May 13, 179276

May 21, 1792
Procedure in meeting of Consejo.

May 28, 1792 |
Bowles and Cunningham;?’ their activities in West Florida.

June 18, 1792 |
Duties on American goods that come in foreign boats. Impos-
ing discriminating tariff on importations of certain goods into

frontiers. Though his mission was not successful he returned to Spain in 1789 with a more
accurate understanding of the United States than any other man in Spain. In 1790 he was
made director of Colonial Commerce in the Treasury department. In 1791 he was empowered
to act as provisional Minister of the Treasury and in the following year became minister.
Gardoqui was particularly zealous in the pursuit of his duties which is reflected in the great
quantities of material relative to his work that is found in the minutes of the Consejo. For
nformation concerning Gardoqui’s mission to the United States and other relevant matters see:
Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty, chapter III; and Whitaker. Spanish-American Frontier, chapter V;
and the Gardoqui Papers in the Library of the University of Chicago.

Eugenio Liaguno y Amirola, an author and official of the Secretaria del Estado y del
Despacho Universal, was a member of the Real Academia de Historia and was a Caballero of
the order of Santiago. He was secretary of the Junta de Estado and later of the Consejo de
Estado. He was given a position in the Consejo de Estado and was commanded to serve as

eg rtowed to Godoy. He held the position of Ministro de Gracia y Justicia. He died in

n

2¢ First of two meetings dealing with public granaries. [1!]—-Eapediente No. 14, A. H. N.
Estado, 2863.

27 This meeting listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 135.

William Augustus Bowles was born in Maryland on October 22, 1768. During the Revo-
lution. he served the British in Florida, but was dismissed from the service for insubordination.
He spent two years among the Indians of Florida, and after rendering the British considerable
service, was reinstated until the end of the war when he was retired on half pay. He aided
the British company of Miller. Bonnamy and Company to undermine the firm of Panton and
Leslie, and in 1790 led a successful raid upon the Panton store at St. Marks. He was cap-
tured in 1792, and sent to Madrid from where after a year in jail he was sent to the Philip-

ine Islands. In 1797. he was to be returned to Spain but escaped and made his way to

ngland. He returned to Florida where he gave the Spaniards a very uncomfortable three
years; his most audacious venture being a new raid upon the Panton store at St. Marks and
the capture of the well armed and well provisioned fort at the same place. In May of 1803,
he was captured through the cooperation of American and Spanish officials and was sent
to the Morro Castle where he died December 23, 1805. Bowles’ avowed object was to establish
the independent State of Muscogean and open the territory to trade with all nations. For the
significance of Bowles on the Spanish-Indian frontier see Whitaker, Mississippi Question, 163-
175; Lawrence Kinnaird, “The Significance of William Augustus Bowles’ Seizure of Panton’s
Apalachee Store in 1792’, in Florida Historical Society Quarterly, IX, 156-192; Gayarré,
History of Louisiana, Spanish Domination, 314-320. A. H. N. Estado 3898 contains indices of
and originals of several letters of great importance relative to the capture of Bowles; Carondelet
to Ploridablanca, No. 11 Reservada, New Orleans, March 22, 1792, gives notice of the capture
of Bowles and his transportation to Havana; ibid. No. 12 Reservada of the same date, encloses
four letter of Bowles which manifest his conduct; ibid., No. 15 Reservada March 28, 1792, in-
cludes a certified copy of the declaration of Guillermo Cunningham in which Bowles is cited as
having correspondence de entidad with England and New Providence; ibid., No. 16 Reservada,
of same date, includes a copy of a declaration of Bowles conceding free entrance and exit to
all boats of all nations to ports and rivers of the Apalachee coast. These and many other letters
in Archivo Histérico Nacional and in the Archivo neral de Indias give a rather full account
of Bowles’ activities in the Floridas. Dr. Lawrence Kinnaird of the University of California is

writing a biography of Bowles. There is a short biographical sketch in the Dictionary of
American Biography.

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Spain in foreign vessels. [Voted that] on the following articles
proceeding from continental America in foreign ships be charged
the following

16 reales vellon per 100 lbs. salt fish

20 reales per 100 lbs. salt meat
20 reales per 100 lbs. of rice
7 reales per fanega of wheat
12 reales per 100 lbs. of flour
5 reales per fanega of maize
June 25, 1792

Arrival of Bowles in Cadiz; libertades para fomentar el com-
mercio de la Luisiana y Floridas; commerce and the milling of
flour,—Philadelphia.?**

July 16, 1792

The King presided; the following attended; Aranda, Almo-
dévar, Valdés, Bajamar, Astorga, Campo de Alange, Asalto, Florez,
Campomanes, Gardoqui. New Members Cafiada, Alcudia, Acufia.

The King conferred the governorship of Consejo de Indias
upon Bajamar, and relieved him of the duties of Secretario de
Estado y del Despacho de Gracia y Justicia. Named Don Pedro -
de Acufia y Malvar, dated July 10, 1792; gave Duque de la Alcudia
place in Consejo, dated July 15, 1792.

Action against William Bowles; he to be put at the disposition
of the Consejo de Indias.*®*

August 10, 1792
Caballero added to Consejo.*°

28 Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty, 295; the second meeting dealing with public granaries [!
dated as of June 16, 1792.—-A. H. N. Estado, 2863, 14,

28a This session mal in Campillo, loc. cit., 135.

29 Juan Acedo y Rico, Conde de la Cafiada, was born in Acedo in 1760. He followed law as
a career in Salamanca but went to Madrid where he was given important positions. His title
was created by Charles IV in 1789. He died in 1828.

Manuel de Godoy, Duque de la Alcudia, Principe de la Paz, was born of a noble family
of Estremadura at Badajoz, May 12. 1767. In 1792 hé was appointed to the position of a
minister under Aranda whom he displaced by the end of the year. In 1798 he was temporarily
retired because of his unpopularity and his intrigues with the French. His disastrous icies
during the period 1801 to 1807 were largely responsible for the rapid ——- of the Spanish
a ire. He died in 1851. There is as yet no adequate biography of this illustrious 8 Spanish
nobleman.

2% This session listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 135.

80 Jerénimo Caballero is said to have saved the life of the King at the battle of Villetrei
and upon his return to Madrid received many royal favors and high — He was a lieuten-
ant general in 1789 and Ministro de la Guerra. He was dismissed for a period of honey but
daver in Wan to the Cenacle He died in 1

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24 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

August 24,

Aranda presented a brief on the advisability of declaring war
upon France. To act in accord with Austria, Prussia and Sardinia.
Consejo voted the war. : |

September 7, 1792

Commandancy general of the Provincias Internas of New
Spain®2 made independent of the Viceroyalty of Mexico. It is
composed of the provinces of Sonora, Nueva Vizcaya, New Mexico,
Texas and Coahuila, with Chihuahua as the capital. Commandant
to correspond directly with Spain. Pedro de Nava** appointed
commandant general. California, Nueva Reyno de Leon and the
colony of Santander** remain under the jurisdiction of Viceroyalty
of Mexico, maintaining existing governors.

November 8, 1792

_ Matters referring to Louisiana; Gayoso’s letter of April 4,
1792; Carondelet’s letters of April 7, 17, June 11, 1792;*° Indian

31 Cosas de Francia en el Consejo de Estado del 24 Agosto, 1792, A. H. N. Estado, 2863,
expediente No. 12. Preparations for the war were made but Aranda withheld the declaration.
It was finally made on March 23, 1793, only after the Convention of France had declared war
on March 7.—Altamira, Historia de Espiia, IV, 74.

82 Upon the recommendation of the great Visitador General, José de GAlvez, the king is-
sued a decree on August 22, 1776, organizing the provinces of Nueva Vizcaya, Coahuila, Texas,
New Mexico. Sinaloa, Sonora and the Californias into a new administrative unit. This was the
Provincias Internas which was to be directly responsible to the King and practically independent
of the viceroyalty of Mexico. Chihuahua was the capital except for a short period of time. The
first to command this large area was El Caballero de Croia (Teodoro de Croix). His tenure of
office was from 1776 to 1783, when he was rewarded with the Viceroyalty of Peru. In 1785 the
Provincias Internas were partially under the control of the Viceroy, Bernardo de GAlvez, be-
cause of that official’s knowledge of the frontier country. For further information concerning
the organization and early administration of the Provincias Internas see Fray Juan Augustin
Morfi, History of Texas 1678-1779; 2 volumes (translated and edited by Carlos Eduardo
Castafieda, Quivira Society, Albuquerque, 1935); Hebert Eugene Bolton, Anthanase De Méziéres
and the Louisiana-Texas Frontier, 1768-1780, 2 volumes, (Cleveland, 1914); and Herbert
Eugene Bolton, Guide to Materials for the History of the United States in the Principal Archives
of Mexico. (Washington, 1913).

83 Pedro de Nava was commandant of the western part of the Provincias Internas, 1790-
1793, and of the whole of the Provincias, 1793-1804.

*4 For the location of these provinces see map in Morfi, History of Texas, II, 426.

85 Three letters of Carondelet to Floridablanca, Reservadas, New Ori April 7, 1792;
with No. 17 Reservada, Carondelet enclosed a certified copy. of his letter to aes de Lemos
of March 29, 1792, which contained orders regarding the cession of Nogales in favor of the

English; an index only of Reservada No. 18, in which Carondelet enclosed a copy of the second

declaration of William Cunningham manifesting perfidious designs of Bowles and a secret
agreement which by document, seem to have been made between several persons to free the
navigation of the Mississippi, New Orleans, Pensacola, Natchez and Nogales, etc.; Reservada
No. 19 in which Carondelet included copies of official letters sent to the governor of Pensacola
and the commissioner to the Talapuches, Pedro Olivier, to disturb the conclusion of the treaty
of limits between the Americans and the Talapuche Indians.—A. H. N. Estado, 8898.

Carondelet to Floridablanca, No. 23, Reservada, New Orleans, April 17, 1792, A. H. N.
Estado, 3898, informs for the second time that the Choctaws had ed Nogales to Spain for
a consideration of a gift not to exceed two thousand pesos. The post of Nogales was reported |
to be in a respectable condition as were also to be, within a month, the posts of Natchez and
Mobile; gives notice of alliance between the Cherokees, Chicasaws, Choctaws and Creeks,
which alliance the Governor was to try to bring under Spanish protection in which case the
province would have little to fear from the Americans.

Carondelet to Aranda, No. 3 Reservada, New Orleans, June 11, 1792, A. H. N. Estado,
3898, and an enclosure of a certified copy of Gayoso de Lemos to Carondelet, Natchez, Ma
29, 1792, in which Gayoso gives a detailed account of the treaty with the Choctaws ore |
Chicasaws, and under date of 16, 1792, a list of the gifts made to the Indians.

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relations; treaty made with the Chicasaw Indians, May 14,** limits
of Louisiana and Florida; Georgia; O’Fallon:*? Anglo-American
traders among the Choctaws; Minor; gifts and presents to Indians; —
Pedro Olivier.**

November 9, 1792

Continuation of Louisiana affairs; Chicasaw, Choctaw, Ala-
bamonis, Creek Indians; the Floridas; McGillivray; Panton Leslie
and Company; Olivier; O’Neill;*® McGillivray relations with the
United States ;*° emigration to Louisiana;*! Commerce of Louis-
iana; correspondence of Carondelet with Las Casas;*2 Jaudenes
and Viar’s correspondence.**

November 16, 1792

The King Presided; the following were present; Aranda
(Decano), Almodévar, Valdés, Caballero, Astorga, Campo de
Alange, Campomanes, Gardoqui, Alcudia, Acufia.

*6 Listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 135.

Treaty of friendship between His Catholic Majesty of Spain and Tascaotuca, Chief of the
Chicasaws, and Franchimastibé, principal Chief of the Choctaw Nation, and other chiefs. This
treaty contains nine articles and is dated May 14, 1792. A certified copy of the treaty together
with a certified copy of Gayoso de Lemos to Carondelet, Natchez, yr 15, 1792, is to be found
enclosed with Carondelet to Floridablanca, No. 28, Reservada, New rleans, May 22, 1792, =
H. N. Estado, 3898. The treaty is also printed from the same source in Manuel Serrano y San
[Editor]. Docwmentos Histéricos de la Florida y la Lwisiana, Siglos XVI al rag £ (Madrid.
+ 436-439; and in English translation in American State Papers, Foreign Relations, 1.

Very interesting material concerning the making of this treaty is to be found in the
Diario que executé Don Esteban Minor, Ayudante de la Plaza de Natchez en el viage que acaba
de hacer por comisién a la Nacién Chacta, (covering the date of leaving Natchez, March 13, 1792,
to the date of return, April 3, 1792), dated April 3, 1792, a certified copy of which is to be
tne —— with Carondelet to Floridablanca, No. 24 Reservada, April 21, 1792, A. H. N.

0,

*7 The best treatment of Doctor O’Fallon is John Carl Parish, ‘‘The Intrigues of Doctor
James O’Fallon’”’ in V Historical Review, XVII, 230-262, (September, 1930);
= also Charles H. Haskins, d Companies,”’ American Historical Association Papers,

, (New York, 1891).
88 Pedro Olivier was a Spanish officer of French origin who was sent by Carondelet to
live among the Creek Indians to gig Bn ge Re McGillivray and attempt to induce the Creeks to re-
“eo the Treaty of New York. was accomplished he was ordered to incite the In-
ians against the settlers of Georgia. A very considerable amount of the correspondence con-
cerning Olivier’s commission to the Creek nation is to be found in A. H. N. Estado 3898 and
in the Archivo General de Indias, seccién, Papeles de Cuba (hereinafter cited A. G. I., P. de O.).
See also American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I. 296-304, and Manuel Serrano y Sanz,
Espatia y los Indios Oherokis, y Chactas, en la Segunda Mitad del Siglo XVIII, (Seville, 1916).
® Arturo O'Neill was governor of West Florida. It is said that he was appointed because of
his knowledge of English. He assumed office May 24, 1781, (probably) by appointment of
Bernardo de Galvez. He transfered his office temporarily to Pedro Piernas, for the period from
March to about June 15, 1785, also temporarily to Francisco Cruzat for the period Janu 13 to
July 3, 1789. Though Cruzat died and the office was retransfered too another, O'Neill did not
return to Pensacola until the end of the year. He was supplanted by Enrique White, May 15,
1793.

4° This probably refers to the treaty made A Carondelet with McGilli , New Orleans,
July 6, 1792, gen & copy enclosed with Carondelet to Aranda, No. 4 Res » New Orleans,
July 7. 1792, A. H. N. Estado, 3898; in this treaty McGillivray renounced the treaty with the
United States of 1790 (Treaty of New York) in consideration for which Carondelet granted a
fifteen hundred peso augmentation of pension or the equivalent of that which the cans
were paying him.

‘1 This session is cited by Whitaker, Mississippi oe 302.

42 This session listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 185. A good deal of Carondelet’s correspondence
with Las Casas may be found in A. G. I., P. de ©. especially in legajos 152A, 1446 and 2353.

: *8 Much of the Jaudenes and Viar oorreupendened is to be found in A. H. N. Estado, 3894
bis and 3895 bis as well as a considerable amount cited in Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty.

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26 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Decree of King dated at San Lorenzo, November 15, 1792.
Alcudia supplants Aranda as the first Secretario de Estado y del
despacho. Gardoqui’s minute of the cédula regarding free trade
for Louisiana; objections of Campomanes. Decision made to send
the cédula to the members of the Consejo in order to study and
discuss it and present it at another meeting of the Consejo. [May
3, 1793].*4

December 24, 1792
[This is the last meeting of the year and of Volume I [IV]]

922 MINUTAS DE LAS ACTAS DEL SUPREMO
CONSEJO DE ESTADO

Volume II [V]: 1793

January 7, 1793

[This is the first meeting of the Consejo for this year. Aranda
is still Decano. |

January 25, 1793
Ecclesiastical affairs in Louisiana.*

February 19, 1793 *®

Apri 26, 1793
Revolution in Santo Domingo; fears of revolt in Louisiana.**

May 3, 1793

The King presided; the following Sefiores were present;
Aranda (Decano), Valdés, Campo de Alange, Asalto, Gardoqui,
Alcudia, Acufia.

44This session is cited by Whitaker, Spanish-American Frontier, 174, and in Whitaker,
Documents, op. cit., 163; copy of the minutes of this meeting may also be found in A. H. N.
Estado, 2863, expediente 15. Whitaker’s account of this session in Documents, 163 is taken
from A. G. I., 87-3-19. He also refers to Manuel Colmeira, Historia de la Economia Politica en
Espafa, (Madrid, 1863) II, 356-357, 373 for a discussion of and reference to Campomanes and
problems referred to in this session.

‘5 A transcript of the minutes of this meeting was ordered by the first named editor but
was not received. An abstract of the minutes is listed as being in Louisiana Historical Society,
Spanish Manuscripts, III. in Robertson, List of Documents, 265. Also listed without month or
day in Campillo, loc. cit., 136

ied session cited by Whitaker, Spanish-American Frontier, 174.

47 Listed in Campillo,

Carondelet forwarded to Spain a printed work from the French part of Santo Domingo in
which an official accuses the Spanish of giving arms and munitions to the gente de color and
fomenting the rebellion. Caroondelet pointed out passages on pages 27, 37, 43, 63, and 64 which
specifically indicted the Spaniards. This work is entitled Récit historique sur les evénéments
qui se sont succédés dans les camp de la Grande Riviére, du Dondon de Sainte-Luzaune et autres,
depuis le 26 Octobre 1791, jusqu ‘au 24 Décembre de la méme année, Par M. Gros, Procureur
Sindic de Valiére et fuit prisonnier par Jeannot,—enclosed with Carondelet to Aranda, No. 18
New Orleans, October 20, 1792, A. H. N. Estado, 3898. A photostatic copy is in the Library of

Congress.

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Commerce of Louisiana;*® Gardoqui’s reglamento (cédula)
studied by Almodévar, Bajamar, Astorga, Caballero, Campo de
Alange, Campomanes, Aranda and Valdés. Written opinions sub-
mitted by Valdés, Bajamar and Campomanes. Issuance of free
trade order; suspended commerce to be handled by special orders
of treasury department. Importation of necessary goods and ex-
portation of goods from Louisiana not to be hampered. Prorogued
the cédula of January 22, 1782, and gave subsequent orders: Lou-
isiana can trade directly with all ports of allied and friendly na-
tions; Bilboa and San Sebastian to be rehabilitated for commerce
with Louisiana. Commerce of Florida to continue as now in prac-
tice.

May 17, 1798
Commerce of Florida.*®

May 24, 1793
Commerce of Florida; Arturo Strother.*°

August 5, 1793

Fourteen present in addition to the King. New members:
Colomera, Socorro, Casasola, all appointed August 4, 1793.

December 13, 17938
War of Pyrenees.*!

December 20, 1793

War in Pyrenees a strain on Spanish finances; report of
Gardoqui.*”

[This is the last regular meeting of this year and of Volume

II [V]. Following this is a supplement ee the minutes
of January 14, 1793.]

\

923 MINUTAS DE LAS ACTAS DEL SUPREMO
CONSEJO DE ESTADO

Volume III [VI]: 1794

January 8, 1794
This is the first meeting of this year. The King presided.

8 See Whitaker, Documents, op. cit., 173-175. Meeting listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 136.
ss Royal orders regulating commerce ‘of Louisiana ane Florida, Aranjuez, June 9, 1793, in
Whitaker, Documents, op. cit., 177-185, see also page 241; ibid. summarized in Francois-Xavier
Martin, The History of Louisiana, from the earliest hese ( _, —— 1882), 260-262.
5° Of. supra, note 4. This session listed in Campillo, loc. cit.,
session cited in Whitaker, Spanish-American Frontier,

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Members present: Aranda (Decano), Almodévar, Valdés, Bajamar,
Caballero, Astorga, Florez, Campomanes, Gardoqui, Canada, Alcu-
dia, Colomera, Socorro,®* Pacheco (appointed December 22, 1793),
Don Eugenio de Llaguno-Amirola, secretario de estado de Gobierno
y del Consejo de Estado.

January 24, 1794

Three new members: Don Pedro de Acufia y Malvar; Llaguno
promoted to Secretario de Estado y del Despacho de Gracia y Justi-
cia; Josef de Anduaga made secretary of the Consejo; all appointed
January 22, 1794. ,

January 31, 1794

Llaguno is a member of the Consejo. José de Anduaga re-
places him as secretary of the Consejo.

March 7, 1794

Louisiana; letter of Carondelet to Alcudia, No. 22, December
5, 1793; Treaty of Nogales, October 28, with Creek, Chicasaw,
Talapuches, Alabamonis, Cherokee and Choctaw Indians. Upon
Godoy’s advice King and Consejo ratified the treaty provided that
it did not jeopardize relations with the United States.** Designs
of the French against Florida; letter of Las Casas to Alcudia,
January 10, 1794,"° and letter of the Governor of St. Augustine,
December 11, 1793.5¢

[El Conde de Montarco, Juan Francisco de los Héros, begins
to sign the minutes in April, 1794.]

May 2, 1794
The King presided. The following were present: Valdés,

Caballero, Astorga, Campo de Alange, Florez, Campomanes, Gardo-
qui , Socorro, Llaguno, Alcudia.

58 Marqués de Socorro, titulo del reino, created in 1784.

54 Treaty of Nogales concluded between Spain on the one hand and on the other the Creek,
Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw and Alibamonis Indians, dated Nogales, October 28, 1793. It
was reciprocally defensive and offensive and was negotiated by Gayoso de Lemos. A certified
copy of this treaty is to be found enclosed with Carondelet to Alcudia, No. 22 Reservada, New
Orleans, December 5, 1793, A. H. N. Estado, 3898. In the covering letter Carondelet summarizes
that these nations placed themselves under the protection of and at the dis tion of His Majesty
for regulation of their limits with the United States, and made themselves guarantors the
Spanish possessions included between the Appalachian Mountains, the Ohio, the Mississippi and
the ocean. The five — copies of this treaty are in A. G. I., P. de C., 2858. Additional
copies may be found in -» 121, 2363 and printed in Spanish in Serrano y Sanz, Espafia y los
Indios Cherokts, y Chactas, 91-92; a summary is given in Gayarré, History of Lowisiana, Spanish
Domination, 328-329. In a letter Carondelet to Alcudia, No. 26 Reservada, New Orleans, Janu-
ary 24, 1794, A. H. N. Estado, 3899, the governor related the negotiations and occurrences of
the signing of this treaty.

55 The originals of Las Casas’ correspondence with Alcudia (as well as with Alange and
Gardoqui) for 1793-1795 are to be found in Archivo General de Simancas, seccién, Guerra
Moderna, legajo, 7235.

5® This session is cited in Whitaker, Spanish-American Frontier, 181-182.

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[The minutes of this day actually begin on folio 102 verso,
“T read an extract of the idea of Don Luis de Villarroil etc.
— —” of significance to Louisiana is the following]:

[Folio 105 verso—Guerra]

I read the summary of a letter of the Captain General of the
Island of Cuba, Louisiana and Florida, dated 12 February, number
822, with which he remits copies of six letters of the governor of
Florida, Don Juan Nepomuceno de Quesada," of the 3, 8, 11, 20 and
21, of January of the same year; and of another dated third
[80th ?] of December last, from the Baron de Carondelet,®® gover-
nor of Louisiana, which the Minister of War, Conde de Campo de
Alange, took to the council.

There are four important points with which the letters of the
Captain General deal with reference to the letters remitted with
them, to wit: (First) Aids of troops and other [kinds] which he
was destining to the Island of Santo Domingo, at the time when
there came to him warnings of the invasions of enemies which
were feared in Louisiana and Florida; for which reason he changed
his plans. (Second) News of the invasion of Louisiana. (Third)
News of the invasion of Florida. (Fourth) Orders to oppose the
designs of the enemy, if these invasions should take place.

The troops that were sent by the Captain General to [of ?] the
Island of Santo Domingo on the vessels San Julian, Fragata la O,
and Urcas, Santa Librada and Florentina, by agreement of the
junta of these principal chiefs, numbered 1224 troops including the
two artillery officers and twenty-five artillerymen; twelve cannons
of 24 and 16, and four mortar cannons of 9 inches, with the cor-
responding amunition, and sitwado [allowance] of the said island;
and the Captain General says that in sending the said troops
(which he had granted freely up to the limit of the vessels with all
the care possible, wishing to give as good service as possible to His
Majesty) he had wished only to fulfill the wishes of His Majesty
and in this spirit he had ignored the risks to which the literal sense
of the Royal orders left him exposed in order to bend all his efforts
to their fulfillment, which was his only desire, hoping that every-
thing would meet with the approval of His Majesty.
of March 7, 1789. ‘He took office on July 7, 1700, but because of ill: health Telinguishod the

position to Bartolomé Morales from April 30. 1795, to July 7, 1795. He remained in office
the latter date until he was replaced by Enrique White, June 5, 1796.

58 This may be December 30, and is cited post.

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The news of an early invasion of East Florida acquired from
various subjects and sent to the Captain General by Juan Nepomu-
ceno Quesada from St. Augustine, in the six letters dated from the
third to the twenty-first of January, reduces itself to the fact that
in Georgia, under the direction of Mr. Genét, ®*® Minister of France
in the United States, a secret enlistment was being made of ad-
venturous people, which Colonel Samuel Hammond,” brother of
Don Andrés Hammond, Sargento Mayor of the militia in Georgia,
was to command, Don Abner gave this news to the frontier com-
mandant in Amalia Island.

Don Carlos Howard* under oath said that he himself had been
asked to participate in the project, and he pretending to accept the
plan, they appointed him Comisario de Viveres y Pertrechos [com-
missary of war equipment and food].. In consequence of this they
stored various apportionments of the said goods in his house and
many more were to be sent to him there, as well as ammunition and
arms. He thought that the number of persons already enlisted
would amount to almost 600 men; that Abner himself was to obtain
permission from the Spanish government of Florida to transport
the larger part of the foodstuffs to the San Juan River under pre-
tense of selling them to the inhabitants, intimating that this per-
mission would be given and that another person would be sent to
take charge of all the goods, as being property belonging to the
French, in which case he hoped that his work and expenses would
be paid for us; that he understood that in the Assembly of the

5° For material relating to Genét see Frederick Jackson Turner, “Selections from the Draper

- Collection in the Possession of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin to Elucidate the Proposed

French Expedition under George Rogers Clark Against Louisiana, in the Years 1793-1794’’, in
American Historical Association Annual Report, 1896, (Washington, 1897), volume I; and by
the same editor, ‘“Mangourit Correspondence in Respect to Genét’s Projected Attack Upon the
Floridas, 1793-1794’, ibid.,. 1897. (Washington, 1898); and Origin of Genét’s Projected
Attack on Louisiana and the Floridas’’, in American Historical Review, ITI.

6° Colonel Samuel Hammond was born in Virginia, took an active part in the American
Revolution and was the representative in Congress from Georgia, 1803-1805. From 1805 to
1824 he was civil and military governor of Upper Louisiana.—See Turner, ‘‘Mangourit Corres-
pondence in Respect to Genét’s Projected Attack Upon the Floridas’’, loc. cit., 571-574, passim;
there is an article in Missouri Historical Society Collections, ITV. No. 4; and a sketch in the Dic-
tionary of American Biography. These latter two references practically ignore Hammond's
participation in the Genét plans.

The activities of Elijah Clark who was deeply involved in the intrigues is discussed in E.
Merton Coulter, ‘Elijah Clarke’s Foreign Intrigues and the “Trans-Oconee Republic’’”’, in Mis-
sissippi Valley Historical Association Proceedings, 1919-1920, 260-279.

A very excellent picture of the Spanish-American frontier from the Ohio River, down the
Mississippi Valley and to the Atlantic ocean, together with the intrigues of the period is pre-
sented in an unpublished Doctoral dissertation, Lawrence Kinnaird, American Penetration Into
Spanish Territory, 1776-1803, manuscript in the University of California Library.

*1 Lieutenant Colonel Carlos Howard was secretary of East Florida. In 1790 he was sent
to New York by Governor Zéspedes in an effort to retain the loyalty of McGillivray. The editors
have a considerable amount of material relative to the very significant period in the career of
this man when he was military commandant of Upper Louisiana during the year 1797. A
small part of this material may be found in Abraham P. Nasatir, ‘‘Anglo-Spanish Rivalry in
the Towa Country, 1797-1798", in Iowa Journal of History and Politics, XXVIII, (July, 1930).
A full account of the activities of Carlos Howard in the Mississippi Valley is being prepared
by Mr. Ernest Liljegren of the San Diego State College.

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley
state of Georgia they proposed to adopt the same means which the

_ state of South Carolina had employed to restrain such enlistings;

but that although the proposition was not accepted it was agreed
that the governor might take the means permitted by law to pre-
vent them. Lastly, Abner Hammond said that at his residence he
had copies of the propositions made by Mr. Genét to his brother,
that he was ready to deliver them, and for that reason he wished
to go to St. Augustine. On the twentieth of January Don Juan
Mac-Yntosh, Lieutenant-governor of the district of the San Juan
River, confirmed the foregoing saying also that in South Carolina
there were some 1,500 men with three frigates in the Puesto de
Beaufort.

The foregoing was also certified and assured by Don Ricardo
Lane, captain of one of the companies of dragoons of the militia
organized in Rio de Santa Maria, added that Abner Hammond
was appointed colonel of the cavalry which was made up of 600
horses. The forces were then to be found on the Rio de Santa Maria
and were ready to attack. [Don Ricardo Lane further stated that]
the enlisted men in South Carolina numbered 1400 infantry soldiers
who were to embark in three frigates in the Port of Beaufort and
would disembark at the same time that the cavalry should enter
through the Cabezas [sources] of the rivers; and that the head of
all the expedition was Don Samuel Hammond appointed brigadier
of the French army; that he did not know if the boats would take
the Port of Santa Maria on arriving or if they would undertake a
blockade of that coast to prevent the entrance of any aid, but the
principal object of the plan was to seize the Port of Santa Maria
on account of the difficulty that the French encountered in taking
their prizes to the ports of the United States. And, finally, that the
invasion was to be undertaken within three weeks, Lane being
firmly convinced that what he said would not be found to be lack-
ing [in truth]. From various statements made by several of the
inhabitants to Don Carlos Howard on the Island of Amalia, the
news of the enlistments and other preparations promoted by the
French in Georgia are also confirmed.

As a result of the behavior which the governor of Florida ob-
served both in Abner Hammond as well as in Don Juan MacYntosh
and Don Ricardo Lane, and informed of the relations which the
three had with other subjects who were already under suspicion
of the government for which reason it was to be feared that they

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might have some part in the invasion, he ordered the three of them
arrested and also a certain Don Guillermo Plandem and Don Guill-
ermo Jones, father-in-law of Abner, a rebellious and restless per-
son. It is not certain whether Jones was actually arrested, and if
so, how; nor when his son-in-law Don Abner was arrested; but it
is known that the governor of Florida sent the latter and also Don
Juan MacYntosh to Havana, and that the Captain General of
Havana imprisoned them in the Castillo del Moro.“* On sending
them the governor said that in honor of truth and justice he believes
in all sincerity that MacYntosh was an accomplice or at least knew
all about the affair since July, 1793, but he thought that Don Abner
Hammond was going to tell in good faith the same things he had
stated in the presence of Don Carlos Howard.

Among various steps agreed upon in a Junta de Guerra, by the
governor of Florida for a better organization of the defense of that
- province, was that of calling to arms the companies of urban militia
and of publishing a proclamation ordering all able-bodied white
men who refused to take arms to leave the province within five
days.

The Captain General of Havana, having been advised of all
this and in accordance with resolutions reached by the Junta de
Jefes, sent the three companies of light infantry of the Plaza de la
Habana to Florida, and another three (one of them that of the
Governor) *? of the regiment of infantry of Mexico, 150 tents, food,
hospital supplies and 34 convicts. He was not able to send 40 can-
nons of “4”, for which the governor had asked to arm a goleta,
since there were none of that caliber in Havana. Although he
hoped that with these reinforcements they would be able to repel
the designs of the adventurous agressors, so that, in case of neces-
sity, Indian nations might assist them efficiently, in conformance
with their good feelings towards the Spaniards, in which they had
attempted to maintain them. He says also that although he had
approved [the actions] of the governor of Florida, (because he
believed him to be just in his conduct and actions), he wished that
just as he had united the scattered forces at certain points, that he

612 In the Archivo General de Simancas, Guerra Moderna, 6930, (Library of Congress
transcript), there is some material concerning the conspiracy against Florida, Informacién de
Guillermo Lane, el Padre. This deals with McIntosh and William Jones.

In an article in the Kentucky Gazette, A 5, 1794, it is stated that reports from Georgia
indicated that the Westerners were besieging Pensacola and that in consequence Colonel Howard
burned his garrison and removed his troops to St. Augustine.

*2 Hammond reported that St. Augustine had been reinforced by four hundred men from
Havana, and by three hundred Indians.—letter to Mangourit, Augusta, March 19, 1794, in
‘hegeoni attain Correspondence in Respect to Genét’s Projected Attack Upon the Floridas’’,

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 33

had not abandoned entirely the Island of Amalia, and that leaving
in it a small detachment of veteran troops and militia men well
entrenched, whose loss would not have been of great consequence,
and he would have desired that they had placed the invaders in the
necessity of undertaking an attack, if they ‘wanted to use the port
on the Rio de Santa Maria; which perhaps might not have occurred
or could have been prevented.

[Royal Ri of His Majesty and the Council, folio 110
verso.

The King and the Consejo were informed of the foregoing and
His Majesty and the Consejo approved the activity and the meas-
ures which the Governor of Florida and commander of the frontier
of the Island of Amalia was attempting to oppose the invasion
which was menacing that province, and also the aid that the Cap-
tain General of Havana had sent to the province and to the Island
of Sto. Domingo, it being understood that under the circumstances
that was more urgent than that of Louisiana.

The Minister of War, Conde de Campo de Alange, brought a
letter dated February 24, number 374, written by the Captain Gen-
eral of Louisiana in which, referring to what he had said in his
previous letter dated February 12, number 822, about the invasion
which was feared in Louisiana, according to the advices of that
Governor, Baron de Carondelet, of December 30, he gives the
news that was confirmed afterwards, and which that same gover-
nor communicated to him in his letters dated January 24,% and
February 8,© enclosing letters from the two governors of the forts
of New Madrid and Natchez, of the third and ninth of January,
and I read a summary of all. |

63 Carondelet to Las Oasas, No. 99 Reservada, New Orleans, December 30, 1798, A. G. I., P.
de C. 1447. With this letter are enclosed: No. 1, a translation of a letter written by M. Mitchell
to Carondelet, undated: and No. 2 a certified copy of Carondelet to Jaudenes and Viar, New
Orleans, December 28, 1798. There is an unsigned duplicate in A. G. I. P. de C., 152B
containing enclosure No. 1 only.

*4 Carondelet to Las Casas, No. 100 Reservada, New Orleans, January 24, 1794, A. G. I., P.
de C., 1447. With this letter are enclosed: No. 1, a certified copy of Gayoso de Lemos to
Carondelet, No. 16 Reservada, New Orleans. January 9, 1794; No. 2, a certified copy of Portell
to Carondelet, No. 222, New Madrid, December 22, 1793; No. 3, a certified copy of a letter in
French, Pisgignoux to Portell, Pitz-Borough, November 11, 1793; No. 4, a certified copy of
Carondelet to Gayoso de Lemos, New Orleans, January 15, 1794. There is a draft of this letter
without the enclosures in A. G. I., P. de O©., 152B. |

5 Carondelet to Las Casas, No. 103 Reservada, New Orleans, February 8, 1794, A. G. I., P.
de ©., 1447. With this letter are enclosed certified copies of: No. 1, Portell to Carondelet, New
Madrid, January 3, 1794; No. 2, Portell to Carondelet, No. 225, New Madrid January 8, 1794,
including Ynestruccién para Don Luis Lorimier, New Madrid, January 1, 1794; Carondelet to
Gayoso de Lemos, Reservada, New Orleans, February 7, 1794; Gayoso de Lemos to Carondelet,
No. 398, Natchez, January 17, 1794; Gayoso de Lemos to Carondelet, No. 18 Reservada, Natchez,
January 21, 1794; Gayoso de Lemos to Carondelet, No. 402, Natchez, January 25, 1794. There
is an unsigned duplicate of this letter without enclosures in A. G. I., P. de O., 152B.

66 See enclosures supra, notes 64 and 65. als of Gayoso de Lemos to Carondelet
marked Reservadas y duplicadas, No. 16 are in A. G. I.. P. de ©., 28, 42; a signed copy of
Ynatruccién para Don Tia Lorimier is in ibid.. 28.

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34 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

The news given by Mr. Thomas Mitchell,** a worthy young
man well known for his talents in engineering and surveying, is
about the expedition projected against Louisiana, which was to
be headed by Jorge Clark,®** major general appointed by the French,
who had given him authority to appoint officials for 5000 men re-
cruited from any who desired to take part; the officials of artillery
and engineering having to be French, some of the captains having
already been appointed, and new ones coming to volunteer every
day, and workmen being called for by means of public announce-

ments; that hard tack [bizcocho] was being prepared in Fort Pitt;

that rewards were being offered to the Americans in order to in-
duce them to take part in the project; and that the pillage that
they might make of the Spaniards who should resist would be
divided amongst the soldiers; that the opening or freedom of navi-
gation on the river would increase the value of the property of
Kentucky fifty percent; that to the already mentioned Mitchell,
O’Fallon had told, in confidence, that the expedition would un-
doubtedly take place; and finally, that inflammatory writings of
the latter had a great deal of influence with the population of Ken-
tucky, to which must be added his extensive correspondence in the
United States and that he had some friends in Congress; that
nevertheless, these projects had some obstacles to overcome; that
the letters of exchange of the chargé d’affaires of France had been
protested, which must certainly prolong considerably their arming;
that the directors of this faction, Clark and O’Fallon, had lost their
friendships and that it could be expected that Congress would inter-
pose its authority in order to avoid war with Spain; and that, more-
over, it was not to the interest of the United States that Louisiana
belong to France, because in such a case there was no doubt that
Kentucky would separate itself from the Union; that the artillery
of the revolutionists would be scarce and could not be replaced,

- and that they were counting upon that which they could take from

our fort of Illinois.®

Mr. Ecequiel Dwet, a Dutchman, inhabitant of the district of
Natchez, who was at the falls of the Ohio when Mitchell passed by
there and remained in that district until the middle of last Decem-

*™ Thomas (or Medad) Mitchell was sent to New Orleans by Jaudenes and Viar in the latter
part of 1793 with letters for Carondelet. He asked Carondelet for employment but as the Gov-
ernor-General did not consider him to be a reliable person he sent him back to Philadelphia with
an answer for Jaudenes and Viar. He was used to contact the conspirators in Kentucky and
the “Secret Committee of Correspondence of the West’’. A short autobiographical sketch signed
by Mitchell and addressed to Gayoso de Lemos is to be found in A. G. I., P. de C., 208A.

**® See James Alton James, The Life of George Rogers Clark, (Chicago, 1928); and Ameri-
can Historical Association, Annual Report, 1896, op. cit.

*® Mitchell to Carondelet. op. cit.

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 35

ber, told the Governor of Natchez that at the falls of the Ohio there
were about eight or nine boats built by the French, some keel boats —
and other chalanes,” and that he had seen four iron cannons of
caliber 6 and 4, swivel guns also made of iron; that he had seen a
like number of the said small boats in Lime Stone and Fort Pitt,
and that he had heard it said that they were going to buy a larger
number of the chatas or chalanes without keel; that at the falls of
the Ohio there were people destined for the projected expedition;
that General Clark who lived in the vicinity, and who, according to
what he had heard, had some blank commissions for officers, had
asked to speak to Dwet, trying to find out from him whether he had
information regarding the position of Nogales and of the Yasoo
River, and the latter answering him in the affirmative, Clark pro-
posed to enlist him with the salary of twenty-five pesos per month
and one peso per day in addition as soon as he might enter this
river. In order not to be suspected, Dwet withheld his answer to
the proposition until some future time, and left without coming to
see him again. [Dwet further stated] that the French were plan-
ning to enter the Mississippi by the month of May and that in his
concept the expedition could not be of very great strength.”

Finally, on the third of January, the Commandant of the Fort
of New Madrid advised that he expected momentarily to be attacked
by the body of troops which the French emmissaries were assembl-
ing on the falls of the Ohio; and that he had taken various steps for
his defense by virtue of the orders which the Governor of Louisiana
had communicated to him very much earlier, and since receiving the
news from our agents in the United States regarding the departure
from Philadelphia for the state of Kentucky of the Frenchmen La
Chaisse, Du Peau, Pisgignoux and Mathurin.

The governor of Louisiana had communicated in his letter of
December 30,’2 (which the Captain-General sent under the date of
February 12, number 822) that he was without forces to check this
campaign, at least in so far as the establishments of Illinois and
New Madrid were concerned, which being 500 leagues from New
Orleans would hardly be able to unite for their defense ninety men

7? For material concerning the river craft see N. Miller Surrey, The Commerce of Louis-
iana During the French Regime, 1699-1768, (New k, 1916), chapters IV and V. Though
primarily concerned with the French period this study is of considerable value for a general
study of river craft. Additional material may be found in Louis Houck, The History of Mis-
souri, 3 volumes. (Chicago, 1908), II; and Beverly W. Bond, Jr., Civilization of the Old North-
_weat, (New York, 1934), 354.

71 Gayoso de Lemos to Carondelet, No. 16 Reservada, op. cit.
™2 Carondelet to Las Casas, No. 99 Reservada, op. cit.

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36 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

of the regular troop and two hundred militia men;** that neither
could the Fort at Nogales offer any lengthy resistance, and there-
fore all Upper Louisiana must be considered lost by the first of
May, if the project of the enemy materialized, who would be able to
go as far as Santa Fé which was only a distance of twenty-two days
march from St. Louis, Illinois. Nevertheless in his letter of the
eighth of the following February, the Governor of Louisiana said
that he believed that if the enemy did not carry artillery, and if
their number did not exceed two thousand men, the fort of New
Madrid could defend itself against their efforts at least until the
arrival of the squadron of galeras (which in another part he says
would be two and a half months late in ascending the river) ; but if
_ the enemy had plenty of forces and means for attacking which that
post absolutely could not resist, he had ordered its commandant
with the greatest secrecy to evacuate it taking with him all their
artillery or throwing it into the river so that the enemy could not
take it and make use of it against the fort at Nogales; and that
with his garrison he reinforce the latter fort which would protect
all the populated part of the province; that to the commandant of
the Fort of Arkansas he had given the same precautions and also
the precaution of dismissing the company of militia which he had
armed; that the Indians who were assembling in New Madrid
would be very useful for disquieting the enemy during the attack
on the fort since they could cut their communications and intercept
or destroy their food supply. Concerning this point he goes on to
say that those men [Indians?] did not work for. nothing and the
English assigned to them 40 pesos per month in addition to their
rations in time of war. Although Don Louis Lorimier,™* whom the

7™ In a contemporary letter the Lieutenant-Governor of St. Louis was even less optimistic.—
*““My Most esteemed friend: Le Sueur who has reached as far as this pueblo in search of the
Abenakis has informed me of the departure of your wife for New Orleans and of everything that
is happening in your post and especially of the th toe for your inhabitants to our sovereign.
I cannot say the same of these whom I govern. Ii of losing their fortune, few arms,
all tell me that I am sacrificed if the enemy should present eg Ree it is said is coming
land from Fort Cherakis. I am awaiting them any day without any other defense than my
fort and my forty soldiers for I have no confidence in “the inhabitants—as I say they are without
any will. For God’s sake send me the news which you may judge conducive to my defense. May
you be fortunate as your greatest friend and servant desires.—Trudeau to Portell, St. Louis,
January 10, 1794. A. G. I., P. de C., 28.

74 Louis Lorimier was born on Montreal Island in 1748. With his father he established
a post in Ohio from which he led Tory expeditions against the Americans. He was driven out
of Ohio by George Rogers Clark and after a brief stay at Vincennes went to Ste. Geneviéve. He
then established himself at Cape Girardeau from where he continued his trade and influence with
the Shawnees, Miamis and other Indian nations. In 1798 he was given exclusive trading privi-
leges with these Indians in va eye for his influence among them. In 1796 he was given
a large grant of land to be used to settle Indians whom he was to entice from American territory.
He was of great value to the Spanish administration because of his ability to keep those tribes

well ordered and friendly to the government. He died in 1812. See Houck, History of Missouri,

II, 170-171; and “Official Letters to Louis Lorimier, 1787-1798" and “Journal of Lorimier
During the Threatened Genét Invasion of Louisiana, 1793-1795” in Louis Houck, The Spanish
Regime in Missouri, 2 volumes. (Chicago, 1909), IT, 42-58, 59-99. There are many hundreds of

documents dealing with Lorimier in the Spanish Archives and elsewhere. The editors have ;

transcripts and notes of many of his letters. Louis Lorimier certainly deserves a biographer.

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 37

commandant of New Madrid, Don Thomas Portell, had appointed
head of the mentioned Indians, was a Frenchman, he had served
for the English as superintendent of the Nacién de los Chuhuanones
[Shawnees] and could be considered exactly as an Englishman be-
cause of his manner of thinking. Years ago he established himself
in our territory near the aforementioned fort with a party of the
same nation which regarded him as their chief, and he had great
influence among the Indians. For this reason he probably would
be very useful on this occasion, but it would be necessary to reward
him later with some military office or a pension in order to insure
him to our interests. 7

The Governor of Louisiana makes mention of the good atti-
tudes which have been demonstrated by the Governor of Kentucky
and the cited La Chaise, Peau, Pisgignoux and Malhuxin, in order
to prevent the projects of the French from being carried into effect.
Thus, the Secretary of State, Mr. Jefferson, has assured our En-
cargados [de negocios] in an official letter of November 6, last.

The same encargados had already advised the Captain of Lou-
isiana that the Frenchman Pisgignoux had come before them and
declared to them on the first of October’® that the men who had
been appointed for the expedition against Louisiana were the
already mentioned la Chaise, Charles de Peau,** who had been living
for a long time in New Orleans where he had his wife, children
and hacienda, and Malhuxin [Mathurin] who was a carpenter by
trade, which men using whatever means possible were to lure the
inhabitants expelled from Louisiana and also the American resi-
dents of that province, and the carpenter was to construct the
carriage for the transportation of the artillery. And the Governor

75 Thomas Portell was commandant of New Madrid from 1791 to 1796. He had succeeded
Don Pedro Foucher. Before Portell came to New Madrid he was in command of Fort Achachaly.
He was succeeded at New Madrid by De Lassus, was transferred to Florida and was in command
of St. Marks in 1800. On May 19 of that year, though well armed and fortified, he surrendered
St. Marks to William Augustus Bowles. He was courtmartialed for what seems to have been a

cowardly capitulation and when his case was finally settled five years later he was dismissed
from the Spanish service.

7* Pisgignoux to the Spanish Ambassador, New York, October 1, 1798, enclosed with
Jaudenes and Viar to Alcudia, No. 198, New York, October 16, 1793, A. H. N. Estado, 3895;
ibid., from the Clark mes., translated in American Historical Association Annual Report, 1896,

7 Auguste de la Chaise was a native of Louisiana. His grandfather had come to the
vince in 1723 and the family became one of the most powerful in Louisiana. He was a
er in Genét’s schemes to liberate Spanish Louisiana and because of his sf hs ability, a
influence was greatly feared by the Spanish officials. As late as 1798 rumors of hen gage ms in
the Southwest occasioned for his capture. He entered the French army, a general,
and was killed in Santo Domingo in 1803.

Charles De Pauw was born in Ghent in 1756 and was educated in Paris. He came to
America with La Fayette, and after the Revolution married a Virginia Lady and settled in the
Blue grass region. His grandson endowed the De Pauw University.

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38 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

of Louisiana says in his letter of January 24, Number 1,** that if
the Frenchman Pisgignoux, known on the Island of Santo Domingo
under the sobriquet of Canival, should descend to New Orleans, he
would send him to Havana because he appears to him to be a suspi-
cious character.

Having compared the notices and dates of the advices of the

. Dutchman Dwet, of the governor of Fort Madrid, and of our en-

cargados in Philadelphia, the suspicion that there was in Louisiana
at the beginning of this year as to the coming invasion via Ken-
tucky, seems to have little foundation (as is observed in the notes
which are in the continuation of the extract of these noticias).
Moreover, it was expected that the steps of the American States,
and in particular the State of Kentucky, may have succeeded in
stopping it. The governor of Louisiana was also mistaken in the
calculation which he makes in his letter of December 30, that the
French could very easily penetrate to Santa Fé. This idea was
based on his concept that it was only twenty-two days march from
St. Louis, Illinois [to Santa Fé.] This concept undoubtedly origin-
ates in the fact that on the trip which was undertaken on the first
of May, 1792, from Santa Fé to Illinois by the order of the Viceroy
of New Spain by Pedro Vial* and two of his companions, took only
twenty-two days from the habitations of the Kansas to St. Louis,
Illinois; the governor, without thinking that from Santa Fé to the
Kansas they had already travelled 190 leagues by land,*® and the
governor himself says that forty days were necessary for that
[trip] and that the trip from the Kansas to Illinois was made down-
stream carried by the currents, and that perhaps sixty days would

78 In his letter of the same date, Carondelet to Las Casas, No. 100 Reservada, op. cit. the
Governor-General stated; “Si bawa Pisgignoue - - - quedard asegurada con todos sus papeles,
hasta que se proporcione la ocasién de remitirle a V. E., respeto que hay muchos motivos de
sospechar su providad; habiendo merecido, por la parte que tubo en las disensiones de la Yala
de Santa Domingo, el apodo de canibal” .

7 Concerning the journey of Pedro Vial see Houck, Spanish Régime in Missouri, I, 350-358;
and Alfred B. Thomas, “The First Santa Fe Expedition 1792-1793" in Chronicles of Oklahoma,
(June, 1931), 195-208. The first reference contains in English translation an account of Vial’s
trip from Santa Fé to St. Louis as taken from a copy of Vial’s diary in A. G. I., P. de C., 1442,
while the latter gives in English translation the diary of Vial’s return trip as taken from his
entire diary in the Archivo General de México. Vial’s diary of his trip to St. Louis was for-
warded to Carondelet by Trudeau on October 7, 1792, and sent to Las Casas together with
Carondelet’s letter No. 267, dated at New Orleans, January 10, 1793. These documents are
quoted in Houck. Vial made many journeys and the diaries of them are all in the Mexican
archives.—See Herbert E. Bolton, Guide to Materials for the History of the United States in the
Principal Archives of Mexico, (Washington, 1913); a summary of them is contained in Herbert
Eugene Bolton, Texas in the Middle Fighteenth Century. (Berkeley, 1915). Fragoso’s diary is to
be found in the Mexican archives and in Texas, and a certified copy is in A. G. I., P. de C., 1394,
The editors have a photostatic copy of Fragoso’s diary which is in the General Land Office in
Austin, Texas, and which varies somewhat from the copy in A. G. I., P. de O.

*0 A year after this meeting of the Consejo, Vial claimed to have made the journey to the
Panis Nation on the Kansas River in eight days. Traders habitually traveled from that 49
- * Louis in ten days.—Trudeau to Carondelet, No. 229, St. Louis, July 4, 1795, A. G. I., P.

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hardly be sufficient for reascending the river the same distance,
adding moreover, many obstacles since it would be very difficult to
travel against the current and the increased number of pirogues
which are necessary to transport only two or three thousand men,
their provisions and munitions.

Besides this invasion which was feared against Louisiana from
the north, the said governor tells the Captain-General that the
French expedition with its war ships and other smaller ships with
1500 men which was being prepared in Cheseapeake had not yet
appeared, according to advices which he had received some time
from our encargados in Philadelphia, and that he regretted that
up to that time it had not appeared because he was in very good
circumstances to receive them [he being well prepared]. However,
he adds in the same letter that the same encargados had written to
him on the eighth of December saying that the French Minister,
Genét, was still thinking of making a cruise with some frigate,
corvette, and other small war vessels, taking as directors of the
expedition Captain Martin and even a certain Lavergue, both ex-
pelled from Louisiana. This attempt clearly showed, said the Gov-
ernor, that the enemy was counting on the information* that it had
of that Province, and obliged him [governor] to take precautions,
which his small forces at other times would have caused to appear
superficial, and that in his judgement they would seem superfluous
if it were not for the fact that he found himself surrounded by
enemies on the inside who could unite themselves with those from
without against him at the slightest carlessness and accomplish
their ends. For this reason the governor had not deemed it pru-
dent to disarm the Fort of Placaminas and New Orleans in order
to put all his attention on the upper river since the troops that re-
mained to him were small in number and with them he had to look
after two important places, which were Placaminas and the Fort
of Nogales, there being 150 leagues distance between them; for
which reason they needed more than a month to go from one to
the other and that he could well use two hundred recruits although
he knew their scarcity.52 The Governor of Louisiana also says in
his letter of the eighth of February, written to the Captain-General,
that by the documents he was enclosing he could see that he was in-
curring no expense that was not absolutely necessary, but that he

81 Carondelet to Las Oasas, No. 103 Reservada, op. cit. This probably refers to their
knowledge of the conditions within the province.

83 Ibid.

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40 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

could not help spending a great deal. He solicits the approval of
his steps and asks him what he must do in case the proposed attack
against his province should take place, which through an insur-
rection of the negroes could very easily be submerged into the same
calamity which the Island of Santo Domingo suffered; that the
number of negroes far exceeded that of the whites and that the
enemy would not fail to proclaim the Bando de la libertad, as soon
as their number increased sufficiently to do so with security.™

The Captain-General says that all the veteran infantry troop
which existed at that time throughout the Island of Cuba was the
regiment of Mexico only which was reduced by three companies
destined to Florida and an incomplete battalion of the regiment of
Havana which garrisoned the plaza of Cuba which was 300 leagues
from the capital; for which reason the help which in the future he
could send to Louisiana would be small or none at all and he hoped
that on this occasion they would experience the advantages of the
aid of the Indians which the Governor of Louisiana had tried to
attract to our side.

[Royal Resolution folio 18 verso].

The council and the King being advised of all, His Majesty
gave his royal approval, as did the council, both of the vigilance
and the steps of the Governor of Louisiana as well as those of the
commandants of the Forts of New Madrid and Natchez, for the
punctuality of the news [forwarded] by His Majesty’s encargados
in the United States of America to stop the designs of the enemies
against that Province; and for the care of the Captain-General of
Cuba, Louisiana and Florida, in giving news of all the happenings
and for heeding in all that he could the security of those posses-
sions.*4

El Conde de Montarco
[rubric]
May 16,1794
[This is the last meeting entered in Volume III].
83 Ibid.

84 A part of the minutes of this meeting are to be fou a her with a draft of a letter to
the Captain-General of Louisiana, Aranjuez, May 24, 1794, in Archivo General de Simancas,
Secci6n, Guerra Moderna, legajo 7235 (hereinafter cited A. G. Simancas, Guerra). Also
listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 187.

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924 MINUTAS DE LAS ‘ACTAS DEL SUPREMO
CONSEJO DE ESTADO

Volume IV [VII]: 1794

May 16,1794

[This is the first ee entered in this volume, and is a
continuation from Volume IIT].

July 7, 17945

War scares in Europe, defenses of Louisiana, Anglo-Spanish
alliance,®* fear of expeditions against Louisiana, question of Eng-
land’s fighting Spain, believe that alliance between United States
and Spain should be made to prevent a British-American attack,
fear of a British alliance with America. Proposal to instruct Gover-
nor of Louisiana to give explanations to United States of recent
alliance with Indian nations of the Southwest, saying that reason
was to prevent those nations from attacking United States. Pro-
posal of an alliance and reciprocal guarantee of territory to be
made to President of United States through encargados at Phila-
delphia. Fauchet*’ in the United States; fear of a Franco-Ameri-
can conciliation.

“If the United States should succeed in reaching a reconcilia-
tion with England, His Excellency [Godoy, the Duke of Alcudia]
considered our situation in respect to the States even more critical,
because according to all the probabilities and facts which were
noticeable, England was already acting as if she intended to de-
clare war on us on some pretext or other, as soon as she should
have taken possession of the enemy [French] islands and all the
commerce of France, and to throw herself on our possessions in

85 The meeting begins with the ges J of a letter, Jaudenes and Viar to Alcudia, No. 220,
April 28. 1794, A. H. N. Estado, 3895 bis. This session is cited in Whitaker, Spanish- -Ameri-

8a Anglo-Spanish Treaty of May 25, 1793, American State Papers, Foreign Relations, I, 277.

8T Jean-Antoine-Joseph Fauchet was born in 1761. He was chief of the bureau of admin-
istration of war in 1791 and secretary to the Mayor of Paris in 1792 and in the ae aoe
secretary of the Executive Power. He was the French representative in the United States from
February 22, 1794, to June 15, 1795. Upon arrival in this country he repudiated Genét’s
for an attack upon the Spanish possessions. He was none the less a strong advocate of the
retrocession of uisiana. He desired this province as a source of wheat and timber for the
French Islands. These supplies had been purchased largely from the United States. He became
a partisan of Napoleon, and in 1810 was created a Baron. nay died in 1834. A great deal of
his correspondence Farag his stay in the United States may be found in Frederick Jackson
Turner, “ pt Av He nee of the French Ministers to the Unite States, 1791-1797", in American
Historical Association, Annual Report, 1903, ( Washington, 1904), volume II.

Jaudenes and Viar informed Alcudia of Fauchet’s arrival in letters, No. 205, Philadelphia,
March 13, 1794, A. H. N. Estado, 3895 bis.; and No. 207, ibid.

See also American State Papers, Foreign Relations, for some of Fauchet’s correspondence
with the United States. See also James, George Rogers Clark.

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America; and after having weakened Spain, as she was now doing
with France, to establish her sovereignty over all the seas. England
being so united today with Holland, the Emperor and Prussia, and
Spain not being able to secure, at least for some time, friendship
and union with France in case of a war with England, we ought
to take the precautions which prudence and necessity dictated.
One of these was to procure friends, and among them those who
could help us most and who as enemies could most harm us. Such

precisely were the United States, who if they were with us against

England, in addition to insuring our possessions on that continent
and depriving the English of the great assistance which they got
from those provinces in the war before the last, could enable us to
count on them for our own defense, and for offense against the
enemy. From all this, it was necessary to anticipate the English
and to see how they [the Americans] could be attracted to our
friendship without loss of time; that this made it urgent to reply
not only to our encargados at Philadelphia, but to those of the
United States in Madrid, who had been handing in notes in very
energetic and even irregular terms about the delay in adjusting the
boundary and the navigation of the Mississippi, as well as concern-
ing the restitution of two merchant ships detained at Cadiz, speak-
ing of getting passports for their captains who were going back to
their own country to seek the justice which they had not encounter-
ed in Spain .... The time had come when the negotiation could
no longer be delayed as had been done up till now, because of not
consenting to the principal point of free navigation of the River
Mississippi to the sea, which the United States pretended should
be conceded to them. . . . Such being the state of things, and the

Duke being conscious of the paucity of his years and experience

[continue the minutes of the Council] it occurred to him to seek in
those of the Council what it thought was necessary, to weigh and
combine the different matters, points and circumstances of the
time being, that it might recommend to xe Majesty what it —
to be most opportune.

“In corroboration of what the Duke of Alcudia explained, Don
Diego de Gardoqui said that always, and especially since he had
resided as encargado de negocios of His Majesty in the United
States of America, he had believed that the greatest evil that could
happen to Spain was that that new power should succeed in uniting
with England to work in common accord against this monarchy .. .”

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 43

Gardoqui then read the paper which he had written for Flori-
dablanca when the negotiation had been resumed with the United
States in 1791, recommending a settlement of the navigation ques-
tion. He further recapitulated the negotiation which he himself
had undertaken in America with Jay, “the same who had now
been sent to England, and who had been here during the war.”’ He
recalled the tentative agreement which he had initialed with Jay
for the settlement of the boundary and the occlusion of the lower
Mississippi and the failure of Congress to accept the same. He
demonstrated the subject on a map. He emphasized the strong pro-
British party in America, particularly in the northern states, which
might succeed in dominating the whole country if Spain did not
take advantage of the irritation produced by the recent English
spoilations.**

“The Count of Campomanes [to continue with the text of
‘Council’s minutes] then said that not only did it appear to him very
convenient and necessary that Spain in the existing circumstances
should try to hold the United States of America as friends, but also
to grant them some extension of lands as they desired, even though
it should amount to between thirty and fifty leagues, since that
was not of so much importance—Spain holding such extensive
countries—when one saw her exposed to losing all; endeavoring at
the time of the cession to save as much as possible those lands
which because of their situation, configuration or peculiarity of —
ground and other qualities, would best protect the Spanish part.
So far as concerned the navigation of the Mississippi, although he
knew the lack of authority of England to cede it to the United
States, and consequently that the latter had no right to demand it
from Spain, he observed the ardor which those States had for it,
and the efforts which they were making to get it, which would
- increase if they secured from England the protection which they
had already tried to get from France. Bearing in mind that the
free navigation of a river through the territories of different
princes was no new thing, and was even admitted in many in-
stances under certain regulations and agreement between the same
princes, and urging the powerful reasons which the Sefiores Alcu-
dia and Gardoqui had given for gaining the friendship of the
States, he was of the opinion that the free navigation of the Missis-

8* For a discussion of the projected Jay-Gardoqui treaty see Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty,
ter II. The Anglo-American Relations are discussed in Bemis, Jay’s Treaty; and A. C. Me-
Laughlin, ‘‘The Western Posts and the British Debts”, in American Historical Association,
Annual Report, 1894, (Washington, 1895), 413-444.

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44 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

sippi might be considered in terms least onerous and most useful
to Spain which the navigation could allow.

“The Duke of Alcudia then said that if it should be possible to
form an alliance with the United States without the risk.of England
getting word of such a design to frustrate it, it would be the means
of assuring ourselves entirely of them, and of counting on their as-
sistance for whatever event; but in order to avoid this risk and to
advance as much as possible the winning of their friendship and
preference, they might be made to understand from now on our
good dispositions to grant them favors as to boundaries and the
navigation of the Mississippi, as long as they would assure us, as
should be hoped, a good and sincere friendship; giving straightway
orders to the encargados de negocios of His Majesty, to be com-
- municated to the United States, and nominating on both sides com-

- missioners plenipotentiary to meet on the spot to fix the boundary
line by common agreement. This not only would destroy any bad
feeling caused in the States by the detention of their two ships and
the arrival of their captains with tales of alleged grievances, but
would gain the States on our side. England should be told that no
alliance was being discussed with them [the United States] that |
only an adjustment of outstanding issues was under way. As to
the States we should continue to cultivate them carefully in order
to fix them for our friendship and in time secure a real alliance.

“All of this the Council approved and His Majesty resolved
that it should be done immediately.’’®®

July 25, 1794

Letter from Captain General of Louisiana; French invasion
of Florida from United States; letters of Carondelet to Alcudia,
April 10, 1794, and May 1, 1794; actual state of Kentucky and
other neighboring settlements on the Ohio; not difficult to separate
Kentucky and the Western states from the Atlantic states; Wilkin-
son: letter to Carondelet ;*! Sebastian ;°? Gayoso and his knowledge

8° Cited and quoted in Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty, 233-236; cited in Whitaker, S
American Frontier, 184; and in Arthur Preston Whitaker, “Louisiana in the Treaty of Basel’’,
in Journal of Modern History, VIII, (March, 1936); listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 187.

°° Carondelet to Alcudia, No. 34, Reservada, New Orleans, May 1, 1794, A. H. N. Estado,
3899; and a draft in A. G. I., P. de C., 178a.

*1 W. [Wilkinson] to Carondelet, Fort Jefferson, February 26, 1794, a translation into —
Spanish certified by Carondelet, enclosed with Carondelet to Las Casas. No. 113 Reservada, New
Orleans, May 1, 1794, A. G. I., P. de ©., 2354; Ibid., enclosed with Las Casas to Campo
Alange, No. 409, Havana, July 5, 1794, A. G. Simancas, Guerra, 7235.

®2 Benjamin Sebastian was born in 1745 and died in March 1834. He was a soldier and a
clergyman and moved to Kentucky from Virginia. In 1784 he was admitted to the practice of
law at Louisville where he became prominent in that profession and in politics. @ was one

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 45

of English, and intimacy with Wilkinson. Navigation of Mississip-
pi accorded to Kentucky will cause an immense emigration from -
there into Louisiana; many Westerners settled along Mississippi in |
territory in which we have “not even a cabin nor anything more
than the very small post of Arkansas and that crossing the river
the Americans will spread like a torrent from [into] the Provincias —
Internas, which are very fertile, and would threaten even the King-
dom of Mexico.” If Spain does not grant the navigation’ of the
Mississippi, Kentucky will join cause with neighboring states and
fall on Louisiana with more than 500 men in order to “carry out
its purpose’, or, it will separate from the United States and place
itself under the control of England “forming a power more terrible
to Spain than that of the United States.”

As Wilkinson says, it is positively true that the Americans will
take up arms and capture our establishments of Illinois, New
Madrid and Arkansas “250 leagues by land,” because of the weak-
ness of those posts and their great distance from New Orleans
making it impossible to defend them.

Therefore Carondelet suggested: Grant Wilkinson’s request;
reduce duties to six percent, satisfy Kentucky, make more liberal
rules of commerce; get the West to form a union under the pro-
tection of Spain and reciprocally guarantee both territories. Car-
ondelet’s arguments agree with those presented in Jaudenes and
Viar’s letter of April 23, 1794.%

Resolution: Conspiracy to continue but not to conflict with the di-
plomatic negotiations with the United States; will examine the
matter and send expediente to the Ministry of Hacienda.™

[After June 25, called Actas del Consejo de Estado.]

August 1, 1794
Letters of Las Casas; French designs on Louisiana; Declara-

of the several westerners for whom Wilkinson recommended a Spanish pension in 1789, and
Governor Miré offered him a grant of land. In 1795 Carondelet renewed his overtures to the
Kentuckians through Sebastian and he was induced to go to Natchez for a conference with
Gayoso de Lemos. He also made a trip to New Orleans for a discussion with Carondelet and
was at that place when the news of the Treaty of San Lorenzo arrived. In 1797 he received a
sion from the Spaniards and was consulted by Powers concerning a new separatist scheme.
n the next year he had further conferences with Gayoso de Lemos at New Orleans. In 1804 his
orth were exposed and were followed by an investigation which ruined him politically. He
was the only a of this dubious group who paid a penalty for his treasonable activities.
sees Cuio ntimero a baxard de cincuenta mil hombres de armas’’—Carondelet to
Alendia. No. 34
** Jaudenes and Viar to aise, No. 220, April 23, 1794, A. H. N. Estado, 3895 Dis.
*5 This session is cited in Bemis. Pinckney’s Treaty, 343; and Whitaker, Sonne
Frontier, 198; listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 137.

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tion of Pisgisnoux®* (captive in Havana) ; Milford;*? Jacobins in
Louisiana ;** Amalia Island; Santo Domingo.”

September 26, 1794

The King presided, the following Sefiores were present: Valdés,
Astorga, Campo Alange, Gardoqui, Alcudia, Socorro, Llaguno, Car-
denal Patriarca, Campomanes.

[The minutes of this day actually begin on folio 145 verso, “I
read the exposition which the Sevior Ministro de la Guerra, Don
Diego de Gardoqui, etc. - - - - - wh

[Folio 150 verso. ]

I brought a letter from the Captain General of Louisiana and
Florida addressed to the Minister of War dated July first, in which
he says that he has not received direct notices of the events in East
Florida since the letter which he received dated May 18, last, but
that they [the news] can be considered null and void according to
the letter dated the following June first, which the Consul of Eng-
land in Charleston had sent to him (a copy of which he encloses)
telling him that since the arrival in the United States of the new
Minister Plenipotentiary of France a new system of police had
been established and that the preparations that were being made by
the French emissaries against both Floridas had been calmed
down, and that the President and executive officials of the same
states had been most influential in this movement for peace.

By this extract, which I referred to verbally, His Majesty and
the council were informed of the recent advices relative to Florida
concerning the invasion which had been feared in that province.

®** Declaration of Pisgignoux made to Gayoso de Lemos, March 5, 1794, enclosed with
Carondelet to Alcudia, No. 29, March 20, 1794, translated in American Historical Association,
Annual Report, 1896, I, 1047.

®7 Probably refers to Milfort’s report, an extract from which is in the American Historical
Association, Annual Report, 1896, I, 1055-1056. “Milford, a French adventurer who after pass-
ing twenty years among the Creeks as an agent of Spain, went to offer his services to France.
He had married a sister of McGillivray. and claimed to be the principal war-chief of the
Creeks. In 1795 Milfort had left the Indians and presented his plans for organizing the Indians
of the Southwest under the French and according to his statement, Fauchet approved them—
March 26, 1796, the Directory gave him the title of general of brigade. In 1798 he presented
a memoir to the Directory offering them a large portion of Creek territory by which the
might destroy the Americans, and facilitate the acquisition of Louisiana’’—dquoted in Frederic
Jackson Turner, The Significance of Sections in American History, (New York, 1932), 170-171.

_ “Milfort’s Mémoire ou Coup d’Oc4cil Rapide sur mes Différens Voyages et mon Séjour dans la

Nation Oréck is one of the sources for our knowledge of these Indians’’: but Turner states that
‘“‘*he was a hopeless liar’, citing for his authority, Baron Marc de Villiers du Terrage, Les
Derniéres Années de la Louisiane Francaise. (Paris 1904), 364.

*8 Concerning Jacobinism in Louisiana see documents in American Historical Association
Annual Report, 1896, passim; Gayarré, History of Louisiana, Domination, 326-328,
337-344; John Ryjord. Foreign Interest in the Independence of New Spain. An Introduction
to the War for Independence, (Durham, North Carolina, 1935), 113, 122-123; and E. Wilson
Lyon, Louisiana in French Diplomacy, 1759-1804, (Norman, Oklahoma, 1934), 66-67, 72-73.

*® This session is cited in Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty, 343. The minutes [¢?] may also be
found in A. G. Simancas, Guerra, 7235.

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I read the following extract from the Minister of War: “The
Captain General of Louisiana sends with his letter of July 19,
Number 415, a copy of the official letter sent him by the Governor
of that Province dated June 28) of the present year, telling him
that a Spanish boat loaded with flour for Louisiana had been de-
tained by [at] a Puesto Francés established on the Ohio; that a
detachment of General Wayne’ had set out to fortify itself at a
short distance from the confluence of the Ohio and the Mississippi;
and that General Clark, head of all the troops that were destined
to invade Louisiana, had gone to Philadelphia where he had been
called by Congress, either to be reprimanded for having disobeyed
one of President Washington’s proclamations or to arrange with
him as an official of good standing, some undertaking against the
said province of Louisiana.

The said governor tells the Captain General that the march
of the said detachment did not surprise him because of his having
been forewarned of it by W. [Wilkinson] who also solicited him in
order to prevent the uniting of the foragidos [outlaws] and to
suppress the evilly intentioned persons of Cumberland against us,
but that considering the current situation he does not consider this
vicinity at all convenient, in as much as the nation of the Chicasaw
Indians, very active and warlike, will not permit the detachment to
establish itself in that district since it is their property, and re-
claiming our assistance they will make war on him and undoubted-
ly involve other tribes such as the Cherokees, Creeks, and Choctaws.

That for that reason he will try to delay the affair longer so
that if the rumors are true that there will be an approaching break
of the United States against Spain and England, to which the
martial preparations of the mentioned States and their previous
conduct towards us give much credit, the war of the Indians can be
started since that will make it very difficult for the enemy to
descend to the Fort of Nogales and all their other operations against
Lower Louisiana, for, concerning the upper or territory included

100 Las Casas to Campo Alange. No. 415, Havana, July 19, 1794, A. G. Simancas, Guerra,
7235: and a draft [Las Casas] to the Ministro de la Guerra, No. 415, ibid., A. G. I., P. de C.,
1484. Certified copy of Carondelet to Las Casas, No. 118, New Orleans, June 28, 1794, A. G.
— M ares 7235; and a draft [Carondelet] to Las Casas, No. 118, ibid., A. G. I., P.

e ©., 152B.

101 Anthony Wayne of Revolutionary fame was born at Waynesboro, Pennsylvania, Janu-
ary 1, 1745. and died at Presque Island, (Erie, Pennsylvania) ember 15, 1796. After the
failures of Harmar and St. Clair to subdue the Northwest Indians, Wayne was given com-
mand of the American forces. During 1793-1794 he established training camps at Legionville,
Pennsylvania. and at Fort Washington and Fort Jefferson. After thoroughly training his
troops he defeated the Indians at the battle of Fallen Timbers and as a result was able to
conclude the Treaty of Greenville. A good sketch of Wayne is given in the Dictionary of
American Biography.

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between Fort Illinois and Fort Nogales, its loss cannot be prevented
for the reasons exposed in his preceding official letters.

The Captain General adds that any other conjecture that he
might make concerning the matter would be entirely at random;
that judging only by what can be seen there, the referred to pro-
ceedings seem suspicious since the American detachment that is_
going to settle and fortify near the disemboguement of the Ohio
into the Mississippi does not look as if it may be in relation to the
war against the Indians, and the presence of General Clark in
Philadelphia is somewhat tardy in order to believe that it may be
for the object of reprimanding him since it is more than a year |
that this officer has been giving plenty of reasons for which the
American Government could have done so if they really wanted
to take a serious hand to restrain him. This can be proved by the
long series of occurrences that the Governor of Louisiana has
been reporting and from which it seems the rebels are not yet
desisting, since led by Clark they recently dared to capture on the
Ohio a boat loaded with flour belonging to a vassal of His Majesty.
Such insults as these should have been stopped by the President of
the Congress long ago.

I also verbally reported another letter of the fifth of that same
July from the Captain General of Louisiana’®? in which he encloses
the copy of a letter which [had] been communicated to him by the
Governor of Louisiana, which on the first of May he sent to the
Ministry of State sending also a letter of General Wilkinson, (he be-
ing designated by the letter of W., our friend and pensioned by us)
both of which I had already read to the Council of State on the
twenty-fifth of July,’ in which the said General gave notice of
what had occurred relative to the projected invasion against Louisi-
ana, and the situation in Louisiana in the month of February. The
only items of importance which the Captain General communicates
in his letter of July 5, that the Governor of Louisiana communicated
_ to him concerning the invasion, are, that according to a letter of
last March of an inhabitant of Kentucky the President of the Coun-
cil [stc Congress] had warned the Governor of that State to re-.
strain the people that had taken part in the movements of the
French emmissaries for the intended invasion;!* but that this

102 Las Casas to Campo Alange, No. 409, Havana, July 5, 1794, A. G. Simancas, Guerra,

7235.
108 See meeting of July 25, 1794, ante. W. [Wilkinson] to Carondelet, Fort Jefferson,
May 1, 1794, op. cit.
104 Proclamation of President Washington, March 24, 1794, published in James D. Rich-
ardson, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1902, (10 volumes,
1905), I, 157-158; and Kentucky Gazette, Vol. VIII, May 3, 179

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order had not been heeded by the Governor because he, as well
as the rest of the inhabitants, were decided friends of the French.
That the American colonel Montgomery, sub-altern officer of Gen-
eral Clark, had gone to the post that had been abandoned by the
rebels at the mouth of the Cumberland River, for the time that
they were attacked and thrown out by the Indians partial to us;
he ordered that it should be occupied again by a company of the —
same number of people as before although two parties of Indians,
who were our friends, started, during the latter part of April, to
attack it again, and that the squadron of Galeras, under the com-
mand of Captain Don Pedro Rousseau arrived in New Madrid
on the twenty-sixth of that April after two and a half months navi-
gation from New Orleans, a fact that will be of great help for that
fort and to stop him on his descent by the river.

That the Governor of Louisiana understands that the arrival
at Philadelphia of the new Minister of France, Fauchet, has given
new vigor to the plan of the invasion against that province instead
of dying out with the departure of his predecessor,!°* Genét, as had
been believed; if it does not invigorate at least it will not die out,
in spite of the fact that under date of February 26 of this year
General W. was persuaded of it; since the contrary will be seen
through the operations of the American Colonel Montgomery at
the end of next April, which does not seem in agreement with the
change of the political system, which since the arrival of the re-
ferred to Fauchet, the British Consul established in Charlestown
has adopted, according to his letter of June 1, which the Captain
General has remitted with his letter number 408, and which is

195 Rousseau received the special thanks of the king for meritorious service under the
command of Bernardo de Gélvez in the Floridas; he was in command of the brigantine Galvez-
town, served at the fort at Natchitoches and aided in the capture of William Augustus Bowles.
From 1792 to 1796 he was in command of the River Squadron and during that time led a
significant expedition to the relief of New Madrid at the time it was in danger of an attack
from the United States. After 1796 he operated in the Gulf of Mexico and captured several
English ships. He participated in the recapture of San Marcos de Apalache and operated
against the vessels cooperating with Bowles. He asked for retirement and a pension in 1803.
Rousseau’s correspondence as commander of the Squadron in the Mississippi Valley may be
found in widely scattered legajos in A. G. I., P. de ©. There is ample material available for
a very valuable dissertation on the use of gunboats on the Mississippi River, and the editors
hope that such a study will be undertaken soon. The editors are at present preparing studies
in which the use of gunboats on the Upper Mississippi is an important factor. .Some indication
of this work may be seen in, Abraham P. Nasatir, ‘““Anglo-Spanish Rivalry in the Iowa Country,
1797-1798”, in Jowa Journal of History and Politics, XXVIII (1930) 337-389; and to a lesser
eres Ph his “Anglo-Spanish ntier on the Upper Mississippi, 1786-1796", in ibid., XXIX,

106 On March 6, 1794, Fauchet canceled the plans for the expedition as well as all arrange-
ments that had been made for it.—Frederick Jackson Turner, ‘“‘The Original of Genét’s Projected
Attack on Louisiana and the Floridas’’, in American Historical Review, III, (July, 1898), 663-
666; and is reprinted as chapter III of Turner, The Significance of Sections in American
History. Fauchet’s proclamation as published in a Philadelphia newspaper may be found in
American Historical Association Annual Report, 1897, 629. It is also published in English and .
in French in the Kentucky Gazette, Vol. VIII, April 26 and May 8, 1794,

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observed in Georgia in respect to the other planned invasion against
East Florida; this seems capable of reconciliation considering the
diversity of resources of both designs.

That in that [design against] of Florida the inhabitants of
Georgia are not interested and the individuals of the French nation
and some American vagrants lacking the support and instigations
of the French Minister, it seems likely that the plans will fall
through: but that in that [undertaking] of [in the] Ohio against
Louisiana all the inhabitants of Kentucky are vitally interested
and moreover the inhabitants of the western states are very much
interested in obtaining the navigation of the Mississippi and its
outlet into the ocean, so it is very natural that these same in-
habitants will keep on trying to achieve their purpose under the
color of it being a French undertaking even though the Minister
of France may have abandoned it and Congress may try to abolish
it if it does not use vigorous means for its accomplishment
which perhaps the government will not decide to do under the pres-
ent circumstances in which it finds itself. For this reason still
calming the hostile elements it will be best to maintain Louisiana
always ready so that its undefended situation may not provoke the
ambitions of the western Americans to attempt a sudden outbreak
which their position on the Upper Mississippi and Ohio Rivers
invites.

With the reading of the extract of the letter of July 19, and
the narration of the content of that of the fifth of that same July
from the Captain General of Louisiana, the Consejo and His
Majesty were acquainted with the most recent state of affairs of
that province relative to the fears of invasions by the way of the
Ohio and the Mississippi, His Majesty appreciating the vigilance
of the Captain General and also of the Governor in acquiring and
communicating punctual advices concerning this matter.’ . . .

El Conde de Montarco

[rubric]
October 27, 1794
[This is the eeting entered in this volume, and is con-

tinued into Volume

107 Extracts from the minutes of this day, officially signed by José del Anduaga were dis-
- patched to the Captain General of Louisiana and are to be found with a draft of a letter to
that official dated San Lorenzo, September 27, 1794, in A. G. Simancas, Guerra, 7235.

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925 MINUTAS DE LAS ACTAS DEL SUPREMO
CONSEJO DE ESTADO

Volume V [VIII]: 1794, 1795

October 27, 1794
[This volume begins with a continuation from Volume IV}.

October 31, 1794

Defense of realm; invasions against Honduras, Nicaragua,
Yucatan, Louisiana or Florida. Question of separation of the
Captaincy-General of Cuba from the Viceroyalty of Mexico. Naval
activities and defense of the realm.

November 7, 1794

The King presided. The following were present: Fernan
Nufiez [newly appointed], Valdés, Astorga, Campo Alange, Campo-
manes, Gardoqui, Alcudia, Acufia, Socorro, Llaguno, Cardenal
Patriarca.

December 29, 1794

The King presided. The following were present: Valdés, Baja-
mar, Caballero, Astorga, Campo de Alange, Campomanes, Gardo-
qui, Cafiada, Alcudia, Acufia, Socorro, Llaguno, Cardenal Patriarca,
Cardenal Arzobispado, Montarco,—Secretary of Consejo.

Distribution of forces; question of England and Spanish troops
in Europe and America. Ministro de Guerra states cost of main-
taining troops in America to be five times as much as in Spain.
Consejo decided only to defend Louisiana and Florida against re-
bellion and incursions of individual groups, but not to try to de-
velop a defense against a powerful nation.’ “Godoy declared that
Spain, rather than deliberating on the means of making with Great
Britain joint conquests in the Island of Santo Domingo or else-
where, as requested by the British, ought to do all in her power to
prevent the British from making them, and to endeavor to keep
her own possessions in order and tranquility, immune from the
contagion of insurrection. England, said he, soon would have only
- Austria left with her in the Coalition. Deserted on all quarters
she would seek a reconciliation with America. He did not mention

198 This session is cited in Whitaker, The Mississippi Question, 179; Whitaker, ‘Louisiana
in the Treaty of Basel’’, loc. cit.; and Arthur Preston Whitaker, “Spain and the Retrocession
of Louisiana’, in American Historical Review, XXXIX (April, 1934), 458.

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the existence of Jay’s treaty, which must have been in the thought
of the council, since it was known to both Godoy and Gardoqui;
but he declared that.Spain should endeavor to forestall such a dire
event as an Anglo-American entente, by concluding as soon as pos-
sible, as the Council had already agreed in policy, an arrangement
with the United States.’

[This is the last meeting of this year; following this are the .
meetings of July 13, and October 10.]

January 16, 1795

[First meeting of year.]
January 30, 1795
February 13, 1795

February 20, 1795
Conde de Giiemes added to Consejo.

March 6, 1795
Death of Fernan Nufiez.'’°

[This is the last meeting entered in this volume. ]

926 MINUTAS DE LAS ACTAS DEL SUPREMO
| CONSEJO DE ESTADO

Volume VI [IX]: 1795

[April 10 to end of year. All meetings listed—Montarco
| Secretary. |
10, 1795

The King presided. The following were present; Valdés

Astorga, Campo Alange, Gardoqui, Alcudia, Acufia, Colomera,
Socorro, Semanat, Roca.1"

108 Cited and summarized in Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty, 265, 315; another writer states that
Godoy did discuss a part of Jay's Treaty at this meeting —Arthur Preston Whitaker, ‘“Godoy’s
Knowledge of Jay’s Treaty”, in American Historical Review, XXXV, (July, 1930), 806.

110 Carlos Gutierrez le Los Rios, the sixth Conde de Fernan Nufiez, was born July 11, 1742,
and was left an orphan at the age of eight. He was educated in Paris under the guardian shi
of an uncle. He prepared for the army and by 1776 had risen to the rank of field mar
He was ambassador at Lisbon from 1778 and at Paris, 1781-1791. He left France when war
was declared in 1793 and after spending some time traveling returned to Spain. He died in
Madrid, February 23, 1795. In addition to his career as a soldier and as a diplomat, Fernan
ais ol - known as a writer. The best known of his works is Historia de Carlos III, published
n

111 Vera y Ladron de Guevera (Vincente Maria de la), Duque de la Roca, was born in
Mérida in 1729, and died in Madrid, April 5, 1801. Was captain general, Mayordomo Mayor
del Principe de Asturias, Ayo de los infantes, Consejero de Estado and director of the Real
Academia de Historia.

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 53

Letters of the Governor and the Intendant of Louisiana to
Alcudia, of December 10, 11 and 26 concerning fire in New Orleans
on December 8. Gives damage caused by fire.??”

: [Beginning here: discussion is according to expediente or sub-
ject. Heretofore under Montarco and Llaguno it was by depart-
ment, or ministry. ]
April 17, 1795

In the Queen’s room.

May 1, 1795

Help to be sent to New Orleans to aid sufferers in fire of
December 8, 1794. Propositions of Rendén; Saavedra’s reflections ;
aid to Louisiana voted. “First issue of paper money.’’!**

May 14, 1795

Seditious practices in Mexico, Bogota and Lima. Revolution-
ary agents known to be sent from United States. Colonial au-
thorities to keep close watch on all persons arriving from United
States.114

[No other meetings until June 12, 1795.]
June 12, 1795

July 6, 1795

The King presided. The following were present: Valdés,
Astorga, Bajamar, Caballero, Campo de Alange, Campomanes,
Gardoqui, Alcudia, Acufia, Colomera, Socorro, Llaguno, Cardenal
Patriarca, Cardenal Arzbispado de Toledo, Giiemes, Roca, Govor
del Cordo, Obispo de Salamanca.

Reorganization of army, etc., in Spain, reform in troops in
colonies; Pensacola and conquest of Louisiana in 1769. Population
of Cuba, need for defense, etc.

July 31, 1795 |
Expedientes del ministerio de Estado."
August 14, 1795 |
Limits of the United States and Spain and the navigation of
the Mississippi. Maps of Louisiana; Natchez and Indians; inten-

112 Carondelet to Alcudia, No. 49, New Orleans, December 10, 1794, A. H. N. Estado, 3899;
a certified copy of same enclosed with Carondelet to Las Casas, December 10, 1794, is to be
found in the same legajo; also summarized in Gayarré, History of Lowisiana, Spanish Domina-
tion, 335-336. This session is listed in a: illo, loc. cit., 187.

1128 Quoted from Campillo, loc. cit.,

118 Cited in Whitaker, ‘‘Louisiana in the Treaty of Basel’’, loc. cit

114 The editors ordered the minutes of this session copied in full but did not receive them.

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tions of Americans with regard to Louisiana and Florida. Muscle
Shoals; Cherokee Indians. Gayoso de Lemos; Conspiracy of
negroes at Punta Cortada [Pointe Coupée]. Governor ordered to
“prevent the seizure of the posts of the left bank of the Mississippi,
of Muscle Shoals and of Barrancas de Margot.”

“At a meeting of the Council of State of August 14, 1795, it was
decided to proceed with the United States on the basis of conceding
the right of navigation of the Mississippi and yielding the boundary
of 31°, and this without an accompanying alliance or mutual
guaranty of territory. ‘His Majesty would have left in those and
other parts of America’ said Godoy, ‘possessions, peoples and rights
of great importance and sufficient for our commerce and naviga-
tion.’” Louisiana to be made into a Captaincy-General in order
to better resist the designs of the Americans. Spanish fears of
British fur traders in the Upper Missouri Valley.!*

September 9, 1795

The King presided. The following were present: Valdés,
Campo de Alange, Gardoqui, Alcudia, Acufia, Socorro, Llaguno,
Cardenal, Sentimanat, Giiemes, Duque de Hijar—Poses","* Don
Josef de Godoy—Poses", Duque de Osufia.

October 9, 1795
October 16, 1795
October 29, 1795

November 18, 1795

The King presided. The following sevores were present:
Valdés, Campo de Alange, Principe de la Paz," Gardoqui, Socorro,
Llaguno, Cardenal, Sentimanat.

In the Supremo Consejo de Estado of the thirteenth of Novem-
ber, I reported the extract of the last letters of June 10, and July

115 This session is cited and quoted in part in Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty, 314; cited by
Whitaker, Spanish-American Frontier, 12-13, 18, 218-220. In this latter citation reference is
also made to a meeting of August 28, 1795, of ‘which the editors did not take a record. Also
listed incorrectly as August 4, in Campillo, loc. cit., 138.

For information concerning the Anglo-Spanish rivalry in the Missouri Valley see, Abraham
P. Nasatir, ‘‘Anglo-Spanish Rivalry on the Upper Missouri’, in Mississippi Valley Historical
Review, (December, 1929; ‘March, 1930); and by the same ‘author, “Jacques D’Eglise on the
Upper. Missouri, 1791-1795” and ‘ ‘Spanish Exploration of the Upper Missouri”, both in Missis-
sippi Valley Historical Review, (June, 1927); and “The Formation of the Missouri Company”’
in Missouri Historical Review, XXV, No. 1, (October, 1930); “John Evans, Explorer and Sur-
veyor”’, in Missouri Historical Review, XXV, (January, April, July, 1931).

116 Don Joaquin Diego, created Duque de Hijar by Charles III, was a brother-in-law of

Aranda.

117 Manuel de Godoy, Duque de la Alcudia was created Principe de la Paz and was granted
eee — — as a result of his negotiating the Treaty of Basel which he signed with
France

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 55

12, last, from the Governor of New Orleans, Baron de Carondelet,"*
which the Principe de la Paz kindly sent to me in his official letter
of the twelfth of this month. By this, His Majesty was informed
that Colonel Don Manuel Gayoso, accompanied by Captain of the
Army, Don Pedro Rousseau, had succeeded in establishing and
fortifying the important post of Las Barrancas de Margot," per-
suading the chief of the Chicasaw Indians!*° to cede forever to His
Majesty that territory, which he did for some presents, with a
description of limits approved by the general assembly of the In-
dians, composed of a king, chiefs and warriors, and other circum-
stances which the same Baron de Carondelet expresses at the foot
of the plano of that said cession, and the document with which it
is enclosed. The points included in that extract of that letter for
the resolution of His Majesty are five in number and are as fol-
lows:

First: The recommendation which, because of the merit con-
tracted by Gayoso and Rousseau, the Governor makes in order that
His Majesty may design to concede to the former the rank of
Brigadier and to the latter the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel.

Second: Approbation of the expenses incurred in that expedi-
tion in agreement with the Intendant of that province.

Third: The necessity of restraining the Americans in the
cruel war they are waging against the nations of the Creeks,
Chicasaws, and Choctaws, in order to take possession of their
territories and to oust them from [their territory and force them
into] the dominions of His Majesty on the other side of the Missis-

sippi.
Fourth: The importance of the plan that he proposes of
treating immediately with Kentucky and other states of the west

118 Carondelet to Prince of Peace, No. 53, Reservada, New Orleans, June 10, 1795, A. H. N.
Estado, 3899. This letter contains enclosures of certified copies of the following letters: No. 1,
a translation of Major Doyle, Commandant, to Portell, Fort Massac, April 25, 1795; No. 2, copy
of Portell to Carondelet, May 8, 1795; and Portell to Doyle, New Madrid, May 1, 1795; No. 3,
copy of Portell to Rousseau, New Madrid, May 4, 1795.

Carondelet to Prince of Peace, No. 55 Reservada, New Orleans, July 12, 1795, A. H. N.
Estado, 3897, and a draft in A. G. I., P. de C., 178; ibid., No. 56 Reservada, July 12, 1795,
A. H. N. Estado, 3897, and a draft in A. G. I.. P. de C., 2354; copies of letters Nos. 55 and 56
Reservadas are to be found in the Wisconsin Historical Society, Draper Collection.

119 This meeting listed in Campillo, loc. cit., 138.

Gayoso de Lemos gives an account of the cession of the Barrancas to Spain, and the
establishment of the Fort of San Fernando at that location in a letter to Aleudia. There is
enclosed with it a certified copy of the treaty with the Chicasaws and a sketch of the grant.—
Gayoso de Lemos to Alcudia, New Madrid, September 5, 1795, A. H. N. Estado, 3902; a draft
without the enclosure is in A. G. I., P. de C., 128.

120 Chief Uguluyacabé, ‘““The Wolf's Friend’’, was a leader of a faction among the Chicasaw
Indians that was opposed to the Americans. e received an annual pension five hundred
dollars from Spain. The Americans called him “Ugly Cub”.

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concerning the navigation of the Mississippi River; separating
them from the other states on the Atlantic seaboard before Colonel
Simes, sent to Kentucky with instructions by order of the President
of Congress, may obtain from those inhabitants the advancements
[progresos] which they expect from their continuous soliciting His
Catholic Majesty concerning the navigation of that river and the
arrangement of the boundaries.

Fifth: The approval of the two corps of militia (which he
created in 1792 as a result of the Order which in 1791 was com-
municated to him) by order of the first secretary of state under
the charge of the mentioned Sevor Principe de la Paz and that the
corresponding commissions [despachos] of their offices dating
from the date of their commissions be sent to their officers.'*!

By the verbal exposition which the Minister of State made
- regarding all the above mentioned points and in view of the fore-
going [antecedents] which are found in the expediente, His Majesty
and the Consejo were informed that there was no longer necessity
of discussing the third and fourth points, everything therein having
been decided in the long conferences which the expressed Sefor
Principe de la Paz had with Sefor Don Tomas Pinckney, and every-
thing had been decided, not only what was best regarding the
limits and the navigation of the Mississippi, but also that the Indian
nations should not be molested.12?

Royal Resolution: His Majesty and the Consejo having agreed
and approved everything exposed by the Minister concerning these
two points have deigned to resolve concerning the other points in
the following order, numbers 1, 2, and 5. It was decided to refer
to the Ministry of War the recommendation which Carondelet
makes in favor of Colonel Gayoso for the rank of Brigadier in case
of it not having been conceded to him in the last promotions, as it
seemed to His Majesty, and for Captain Rousseau the rank of
Lieutenant-Colonel; that the expenses be approved which were in-
curred by the expedition in agreement with the Intendant, and
that the corresponding commissions be sent to the officers of the
two corps of militia as the Baron de Carondelet proposed.

121 “5a La aprovacién de los dos Cuerpos de Milicias que creé en 1792 a consequencia de la
Orden que en 1791 se le comwunicé por la 1% Secretaria de Estado del Cargo de dicho Seftor
Principe de la Paz, y que se expidan a sus oficiales los correspondientes Despachos de sus
Empleos desde la facha de sus comisiones.”’

122 For the text of the Treaty of San Lorenzo see Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty, 391-411. The
most recent authentic original texts are to be found in Hunter Miller [Editor], Treaties and
other International Acts of the United States of America, (Washington, 1931 ), II, 318-338.

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Materials Relating to M ississippi Valley 57

I also informed His Majesty of the project or plan presented
to the Minister of State, Principe de la Paz, by Brevet Captain
Don Luis de Vilemont!** resulting from his trips to Philadelphia,
Virginia, and Pennsylvania in which he decides in the affirmative
the question that is proposed: whether or no it suits the metropole
to heed its colony of Louisiana, exposing the means for doing so
[by] augmenting its population.

Vilemont exposes and bases this idea on the fact that the
French Revolution at the same time that it has left desolate a large
part of Europe, it has also displeased a huge multitude of families
in all the nations; and this type of peaceful people, full of uncer-
tainty and fear, are at present trying to hide themselves anywhere
they can in order to go, at the slightest inquietude which may
happen to them and proposal which may be made to them, to some
other spot, offering them a place of reunion which may assure
them some prosperity. |

That London and many other cities in England are full of rich
capitalists from Holland who find themselves in this condition,
and some Free cities of the environs of the Empire such as Frank-
fort and Leipzig, and finally the Swiss cantons have a considerable
number of German and Flemish people who are awaiting to emi-
grate at any moment that a suitable offer is made to them which
may assure them a tranquil asylum in a remote country. .

No other country on the globe [than Louisiana] can be more
suitable for fulfilling the ideas of the natives of these various na-
tions; because the Hollander will find in Lower Louisiana a new
Holland and by constructing his dikes he will be able to enrich his
store houses with sugar, indigo, rice and many other products of
the East Indies, which need only to be introduced here in order to
become native to this country.

The German and the Flemish will find in the northern districts
the immense prairies of the Atakapas, of Arkansas or Illinois, in-
finitely more fertile than the plains of the Rhine or Moselle, fertile
entranas [soil] which needs only to be broken without the slightest
preparation in order to produce all kinds of wheat and grains with
an abundance that is unknown in all Europe. All kinds of fruit

123 The original of the project of Luis de Vilemont is to be found enclosed with a letter of
Carondelet to Alcudia, July 30, 1795, A. H. N. Estado, 3890, expediente 34. In this expediente
there are also letters to Carondelet and to Vilemont giving the decision of the court and other
items relevant to the career of Vilemont. During the period prior to the date of this project
Vilemont had been traveling in the United States as a naturalist. The editors have copies of
many documents from the archives in Spain that deal with Luis de Vilemont.

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trees of the old and new continents flourish here.!2* Here, in the
same way as the Dutch, those nationalities forming various sepa-
rate pueblos and colonies, they would conserve their customs, lan-
guage and trades, and thus organized, they would think that they |
had merely moved from one place to another in their own country.

The subject of religion is a very important object and one
which can do no less than greatly promote or restrain immigra-
tion, according to the restrictions en pro o en contra which His
Majesty may be pleased to establish concerning this subject, and (if
I might be permitted here to respectfully insinuate an observation
the solidity of which is positively guaranteed by a study of the
material) I would also say that it would be very convenient not to
observe rigor concerning this point, and, under the supposition that
the Catholic cult might be the only one dominant, to permit freedom
to practice whatever religion they might wish, if not publicly at
least with a tacit tolerance just as it is being done today in the post
of Natchez, one hundred leagues from New Orleans, and which is
composed of 4,000 Anglo-Americans. This privilege would be made
known only to the new associations of Dutch, Hanoverians, etc., of
which the greater part are Protestants, and they will not exert any
influence on the other older towns of the Colony, in which, since
the time they were founded, the Catechism is the only thing that
is accepted. And in regard to the other rules for their political
and private life, the institutions [laws] that are now ruling in the
province will subsist in their vigor and they can do no less than
please the new colonists because of the justice and moderation with
which they were drawn up.

That the expenses, which at first sight this plan seemingly
demands, perhaps will not contribute to their carrying out and for
the time being will dampen the most favorable orders of His
Majesty, but an examination of this subject will dissipate all his
doubts.

It has not yet been said that it was not a matter of going to
buy colonists in the different districts of Europe; it is necessary
only to admit now some who have petitioned, ask[ed] for shelter
and who will consider themselves happy on finding it. The only
conjecture that must be made in this matter is that they are to be
collected in the different points of reunion in relation to the dis-
tricts in which they are now scattered.

134 ‘“‘a impulso de una vegetacién milagrosa.”’

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 59

The time to undertake this work has now arrived and it is
necessary to carry it out immediately. The reason is very simple:
the same colonists that one finds at present among the immigrants
of Holland, Flanders and other Provinces and who will not ask of
the government any expenses for their transportation and estab-
lishment [in the new lands], after a time will have spent their
capital and will not be able to be transported without some aid
which on the whole will incur considerable expense [for the govern-
ment. ]

With respect to its immense extent only a very small portion
of Louisiana belongs to private individuals; the rest of this vast
province belongs to the King, who can, as he wills, give vast con-
cessions to thousands of inhabitants without fear that he will ever
be lacking in land. This stimulus, to which must be added the as-
surance of quietude and peace, under very tolerant laws, under
the most beautiful and most wholesome sky [healthful conditions]
possible, is certainly enough to fulfill the desires of that group of
immigrants who have funds to use for this purpose or a necessity
of having tranquillity.

There is another class of people in certain numbers who are
no less indispensable in the new establishments than in the more
advanced colonies. This is the class of artisans. These men, almost
always indigent, would need some anticipated help, something to
encourage them and to insure a means of constructing their shops.
The ordinances which have recently been sent to the Governor-
Intendant of the Province for the new colony of Ouachita and
which emanate, as it is believed according to report [por estado],
are as just as they are generous, and can serve as a model for this
purpose.

That the article of transport would be an object of considerable
expenditure in itself; but many times it has been increased by the
means that were employed to carry it out. Instead of merchant
vessels, which have almost always been used with little success and ©
at a great deal of expense, the ships of the King that traverse the
coasts of America could be used, or these could be commissioned for
convoys; thus great expense would be saved to the treasury. He
then discusses the details of this object in a general report of ex-
penses and says thus:

Let us suppose for a minute that our plan is put into execu-
tion; let us represent 10,000 families of the new colonists scattered

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in the various most fertile districts of Louisiana, districts most
adapted to the spirit of the government and to the temperament of
the said families of the new colonists; let us imagine the Dutch-
man, barely established in his new domain, figuring already bank
profits; the German blessing the Eternal at the sight of fertile
harvests which he has hardly had time to recognize; the Flemish
and the French, in the midst of their vast fields of indigo, cotton,
etc.: What a delicious metamorphosis, capable of comforting the
patriot who is sensitive to and influenced by the good of his coun-
try! He concludes speaking to the Principe de la Paz, and says:

We have had the honor of observing to Your Excellency that
the only barrier sufficient against the inroads of the Americans in
Mexico was the populating of Louisiana. We have fully calculated
the gains that would result from it in favor of the Treasury and
the preponderance of the Empire itself. At present we shall offer
Your Excellency with the greatest respect a rapid sketch of the
means that must be employed and which we believe most proper
for the establishment of our plan and the interest of administration.

First: One or. many agents will be dispatched to different
places of Europe like London, Frankfort, Leipzig, Leghorn, etc.,
which are those places that contain most immigrants, in order to
recruit Dutch, Flemish, Germans, etc., and some few chosen French
families in order to have them settle in Louisiana as vassals of His
Majesty.

Second: Credentials [poderes] will be given those delegates
or agents, in order that their character have some credit, and that
they also have instructions that will prescribe for them a uniform
mode of conduct.

Third: The families that would subscribe to the propositions
would assemble at prescribed points in the places cited above in
order to embark for the Mississippi at determined specific times.

Fourth: Under the supposition that the ships of the King
would be used for the transporting of the families, a valuation
would have to be determined of the weight and the mass of effects
and property that each one could take. If on the contrary this
charge be left to the families themselves, and that merchant marine
vessels be employed, a code should be drawn up 4s to the duty
[derecho] [which the settlers would have to pay], as also of the
recompenses that would be allowed the private owners according

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to the greatest or least number of settlers that might present them-
selves.

Fifth: Instructions will also be sent to the Governor of Louis-
iana as to the way that he should treat these families upon their
arrival and the method of settling them.

Sixth: Each nation would form a colony separate from the
others; and for this purpose a different plot of land would be given
each, large enough for industries to be started without the dangers
of close proximity to the others.

Seventh: Offering Lower Louisiana from New Orleans to
Pointe Coupée, very extraordinarily comparable to Holland, this
land could be destined to the Dutch immigrants; and at the same
time that they were settling with the greatest advantages possible |
to help their undertakings, the principal passageways to the King-
dom of Mexico would be closed.

Eighth: Following the same spirit of conduct, Atakapas,
Opelousas, and the Arkansas would be destined to the Flemish, the
Swiss and the French; the interior of the lands of Sainte Gene-
viéve, of St. Louis and the banks of the Missouri to the Germans
and to all other inhabitants of the north that might be recruited.

Acting in this manner all the avenues of New Spain would
remain guarded, open all communications between all points in the
line, and facilitate the rapidity of help which might be needed;
and finally, establish the new colonists on the most fertile land
of the province and even of the globe.

Ninth: The laws that are in effect since Spain has possessed
Louisiana would continue in effect without any other restrictions
than those that it might be considered best to make regarding the
practice of religion and which would be uniform for the different
associations, to whom translated copies would be distributed separ-
ately in the language of each country.

Tenth: The military and civil authorities and in general
everything that would have to do with the ruling of the new
separated colonies would emanate from the governor of the prov-
ince, he also having to provide police in the same manner as has
been done in the other colonies already founded.

Eleventh: The recompense conceded by the government on
such effects as would be considered proper or necessary to the

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62 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

usefulness of the country or district would be a powerful attrac-
tion to further industries among the new colonists, and limited
to a certain sum they would be inexpensive to the exchequer at
first and later would yield great utility [to the government].

Twelfth: An ordinance would be drawn up concerning the

amount or size of land that would be given to each head of a family,

according to either the amount [number] of carros [carts] which
he might be able to maintain from the funds which he possesses,
by the number of salaried employees which he might have in his
service, or the number of children which might compose his family.

Thirteenth: The article on negro slavery is at this time a
very delicate point and it would be important that it should be

_ treated with great care in these new colonies. Consequently it

would be well to prohibit very sternly the introduction [into these
districts] of creole negroes and particularly those who might come
from the French colonies. The Vozales!** from the coast of Africa
would be the only ones who might be admitted.

Fourteenth: A moderate price would be fixed as a means
to foment certain useful artisans, who because of lack of funds
might not be able to establish themselves or make their industry
worthwhile. On this supposition, father and son would jointly
become responsible for the reimbursement, which would run for a
period of five successive years. Brother would be bondsman for
brother. In short, any two private persons would also give re-
ciprocal bond.

His Majesty was informed of the preceding facts through
the verbal exposition made by the Sevior Principe de la Paz of that
project and by the decree that he made and placed at the foot [of it]
which I read, about the absolute impossibility of procuring the
necessary number of useful people from the different nations,
which plan Vilemont considers easy on account of the general dis-
content that reigns in France, England and Holland, and the huge
expenses that the plans would cause the Treasury, of the general
unfriendliness that this emigration would cause against His
Majesty in all the countries; and finally the grave inconveniences
which among others, political and moral, are presented immediately
by the liberty of religion and cults which, the — dominating,
the project proposes.

125 Sic. Bozales: applied to negroes recently imported.

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In view of all this and of the mistake of Vilemont in supposing |
Louisiana to be the key to the whole empire of Mexico, and more
important than the island of Cuba, His Majesty was in conformance
with the dictamen of the said Sevior Principe de la Paz, which was
followed by the eulogies of the entire Consejo, disregarding the
project in the midst of the zeal of the author.

Conde de Montarco [rubic]

November 22, 1795

Godoy ;!2° defense of his administration; peace with France;
treaty with the United States.

November 27, 1795

New names: Cardenal + steninall Gobernador del Consejo Real,
Duque de Hijar, Nufia, [Rufia], Varela.

Godoy’s review of services; extols treaty of San Lorenzo.'**

December 18,1795
The King, Gardoqui, Principe de la Paz, Llaguno, Varela, and
Azanza. |

December 21, 1795

[This is the last meeting of this year and the last one entered
in this volume. ]

927 MINUTAS DE LAS ACTAS DEL SUPREMO
CONSEJO DE ESTADO

Volume VII [X]: 1796-1799

Registro de las Actas o Sesiones y Reales Resoluciones taken
by His Majesty in the Supremo Consejo de Estado for May 27,
1796,'*8 which was the first held this year, after the voyage
of their Royal Highnesses to Seville in which voyage the Sec-
retary of the Consejo had the honor of accompanying them.

126 This session cited in Whitaker, a ron -American Frontier, 172-173, 208-209; and
Whitaker, ‘Louisiana in the Treaty of Basel’’, cit.

127 This session is cited in Whitaker, , At. American Frontier, 208-209; and in Whitaker,
‘‘Louisiana in the Treaty of Basel’, loc eit.

128 This meeting cited in Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty, 315; Whitaker, S A
Frontier, 220; and Whitaker, Mississippi Question, 53, 177; listed in Campillo, cit., 138.

Before the first of the undersigned two editors was ‘able to consult the originals of the
Minutas de las Actas del Supremo Consejo de Estado, Dr. Bemis was kind enough to send him
a complete copy of the minutes of this session.

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64 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

May 27, 1796

The king presided. The following sevores were present:
Gardoqui, Principe de la Paz, Cardenal Patriarca, Llaguno, ancien
and Varela.}”°

[Expediente of the Ministry of State concerning the present
state of Louisiana and West Florida. ]

In continuation, I gave to His Majesty and to the Consejo a
brief idea of the expedientes of the Ministries of State, Treasury
and War, which I had on the table, in order to take them up in
order, and with his Sovereign permission, I began with the one
caused in view of the last letters which the Sevor Principe de la
Paz had received from the Caballero Governor of Louisiana and
West Florida, Baron de Carondelet, up to the tenth of February,
last, with a topographical plan of the upper reaches of the Mis-
sissippi and Missouri Rivers,'!*° showing the progress of the new
Spanish Company, entitled that of “Discoveries to the West of the
Missouri” established May 18, 1794,!*! and of the usurpations of
the English companies on the Spanish possessions.'**

For the more exact consideration of this measure, I made a
brief résumé of what had been described previously by that gover-
nor and presented to His Majesty and the Consejo, in previous
meetings, especially that of the thirteenth of November, 1795, in
which were considered the last letters of June 10 and July 12 of
the same year,}** and a decision was made by His Majesty concern-
ing all the points which I mentioned in this meeting, and later I
showed how the said Governor Carondelet, in letters of September
25 and November 301*4 (which the Sevor Principe received in
Badajoz the first of last February) explained at length the ‘neces-
sity for enlarging the garrison of Louisiana and its annual subsidy
in order to put it in a good state of defense; he informed us of the
conclusion of the negotiations with the Chicasaw nation on the
matter of the possession of the post of Las Barrancas de Margot;
he repeated his recommendations in favor of Don Manuel Gayoso

129 This meeting begins with the reading of a decree creating an Order for noble ladies
with the name “Royal Order of the Queen Maria Louisa’’.

130 The topographical map was enclosure No. 4 with a letter of Carondelet to the Prince
of Peace No. 65 Reservada, New Orleans, January 8, 1796. This letter is in A. H. N. Estado,
3900, but the map is not to be found in that legajo. Tt is quite probable that a copy of the map
may be found in the A. G. I., P. de C., 2363.

141 Of. infra, note 145.
132 See Abraham P. Nasatir, “John Evans, Explorer and Surveyor”, loc. cit.
133 Of. supra, note 118.

184 Carondelet to Alcudia, New Orleans, ee 25, 1795, Wisconsin Historical Society,
Draper Collection, 41 Clark Mss., 198.

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 65
and others who had accompanied him on the expedition to Las
Barrancas, and stated the remonstrances made by General Wayne
in the name of the United States, on the occupation of said post.

That the Ministry of State had replied to Carondelet that the
number of troops and allowances for which he asked would not be
necessary as soon as the ratification of the treaty with the United
States had been completed, and that he could satisfy General Wayne
completely as soon as he should receive the orders of October 28,
sent the day after the signing of that treaty by the Sefior Duque de
la Alcudia and Mr. Thomas Pinckney, in which all our governors of
Louisiana and the Floridas were advised to preserve the greatest
harmony with the chiefs of all those nations and to have stopped
immediately any disagreements or hostilities, in case any had oc-
curred, maintaining themselves peacefully in those posts which they
were occupying until the ratification of the treaty. There had
already arrived, at the beginning of this month, letters from Caron-
delet dated January 9 and 30, and February 10, last, in the first—
numbers 66 and 67,** he told of the conferences which Gayoso had
begun to have with two of the principal citizens of Kentucky whom
General Wilkinson had already won over; of the means which
should be employed to consummate the separation of Kentucky from
the other states of the Union; the considerable allotments of arms
and ammunitions which should be sent immediately, and the pen-
sions which it was necessary to divide among the principal sub-
jects, proposing to increase to 40,000 pesos the pension of 20,000
which His Majesty had granted General Wilkinson in 1789, for
his services rendered up to that time, and which he has continued
since, advising in 1791 and 1792, of the expeditions attempted by
various American commercial companies to open the navigation
of the Mississippi by force, depending upon the offers of the Eng-
lish and the intrigues of the same in Kentucky, directed to the end
that it declare itself independent, offering to Kentucky his [its?]
protection and the freedom of navigation on that river.

Carondelet adds that he has remitted to the said Wilkinson
for the second time the payment of 6,000 pesos due on his pension
which was sent to him in 1794, but which did not reach him because

135 Letters of Carondelet to Prince of Peace, No. 66 Reservada, 5° Orleans, January 8,
1796. A. H. N. Estado, 8900; No. 67 Reservada, yoann] 9, 1796, A. H. N. Estado, 3886,
expediente No. 1, document 33, and a copy in A. G. I., P. de O. 2374; No. 73 Reservada, Febr-
uary 10, 1796, A. H. N. Estado, 8886, expediente No. 1, document 44; No. 69 Reservada, January
30, 1796, ibid., document 39, and a copy in A. G. I., P. de C., 2374. These latter three letters
are also summarized in a draft pager fe to Governor of Louisiana, Aranjuez, May 30, 1796,
A. a. N. Estado 3886, expediente , document 46,

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66 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

of the robbery and assassination of the man who was bringing it,'**
and that he had also paid him 5,640 pesos for expenses which he in-
curred in 1794 in stopping and destroying the attack ordered
against the Floridas by General Clark, instigated and backed by the
National Convention of France.

In letter No. 69 of January 30, last,1*7 the Governor of Louisi-
nana manifests the lack of forces in that province to resist the
attack which it was supposed was premeditated by the United
States this spring; he notes the arrival at New Orleans of the
deputy from Kentucky, Mr. Sebastian, in the company of Don
Manuel Gayoso, and the terms which he considered negotiating
with him in regard to the important plan for separation of that
State, renewing his petitions for arms and money for the execution
of this vast project.

Finally in the letter of the tenth of February,’** Carondelet
now replies to the Royal order of the twenty-eighth of October, in
which he was advised by the Ministry of State of the conclusion of
the treaty.'*® He tells [of] the impatience with which the deputies
from Kentucky waited to see it, fearing that in it their interests
might have been injured, in which case they were resolved to con-
tinue their policy of separation from the Union; that he had per-
suaded Mr. Sebastian to remain in New Orleans until learning the
effect which the publication of the treaty caused in Kentucky, and,
in conclusion he cites a list of the subjects who have distinguished
_ themselves most in the expedition of Las Barrancas de Margot, and
in the negotiations with the Indians and Kentuckians. |

In consideration of these letters, the Ministry of State replied
to Carondelet that since the treaty had been made that it was not
now convenient for us to carry further the plan for the separation
of Kentucky, that he might try to temporize with the deputies and
keep them on our side, but without causing suspicion to the United
States, since the only object at present was to impede and arrest
the intrigues and negotiations of the English.

Also the Governor of Louisiana having sent the money to Gen-
eral Wilkinson was approved, recognizing the merit of the subjects
of whom Carondelet speaks; and His Excellency ordered collected
all these notices in order that the King, Our Master, might see the

186 Discussed in Whitaker, Spanish-American Frontier, 195.
187 Oarondelet to Prince of Peace, No. 69 Reservada, op. cit.
188 Carondelet to Prince of Peace, No. 73 Reservada, op. cit.
139 Pinckney’s Treaty, 1795.

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 67

result which the treaty was beginning to produce, and that its con-
clusion not only avoided the expenditure of huge sums of money
which the consummation of the separation plan of Kentucky and
the war which would then have been necessary against the United
States would have entailed; (the English had already conceded
them the right of free navigation of the Mississippi in their treaty
of November 24, 1794) }*° but, it also facilitated to us the restrain-
ing and preventing of the usurpations of the English themselves
in our North America, of which Carondelet speaks in letter num-
ber 65,'*4 of January 8, last, already mentioned.

In it the governor refers to the provisions he has made, the
means of which he has made use in order to restrain the smuggling
carried on by the English in the Spanish settlements of Illinois,
and at the same time he proposes the measures which seem to him
most efficacious for preventing further usurpations on the part
of the English and Americans.‘*? 3

Carondelet, informed since the beginning of his administra-
tion of the fact that the Spanish establishments of St. Louis of
Illinois were declining from day to day because of the competition
of the English in the fur trade on the Missouri River, and because
of the smuggling carried on by the same from Canada, purveying
to our establishments whatever utensils they needed at better prices
than those of New Orleans, distant 500 leagues from Illinois,
ordered his Lieutenant-Governor to confiscate with energy, all,
even the smallest, English boats that he might find with goods in
the territory on the west bank of the Mississippi.

Complying with this order, the Lieutenant-Governor Don
Zenon Trudeau,'** towards the end of October, 1793, armed an
expedition and with it took possession, at forty-one leagues above
St. Louis of Illinois, of various personal effects of Mr. Andrew
Todd and other inhabitants of Michilimackinac.'

140 Jay’s Treaty, 1794. For the text of this treaty see Bemis, Jay’s Treaty, engensts; and
Miller, Treaties and other International Acts of the United States of America, volume

141 Carondelet to Prince of Peace, No. 65, Reservada, op. cit

143 See Nasatir, ‘“‘Anglo-Spanish Frontier on the Upper Mississippi, 1786-1796", loc. cit.,
and “Anglo-Spanish Rivalry on the Upper Missouri’’, loc. cit.

143 Zenon Trudeau was born in New Orleans, November 28, 1748. His father, Jean
Trudeau, was a lieutenant in the French army. He was well educated and entered the army in
the Regiment of Louisiana and attained the rank of Lasubenant colonel. He married the daughter
of the commander of the militia at New Orleans. He was appointed Lieutenant-Governor
Ly ay Louisiana in 1792 and served at that post until succeeded by De Lassus in 1799. In

97 he was offered retirement and a gi but refused because of the war with England.
When in 1803, he was given an opportunity to “follow the flag’ he requested that he be given
the pension previously ered and be allowed to stay in Louisiana with his family. He died a
few years later in St. Charles Parish, Louisiana.

144 For an account of Andrew Todd and his relations with the Spanish see: Nasatir, “The
Anglo-Spanish Frontier on the Upper Mississippi, 1786-1796, loc. cit.

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68 The Louisiana H istorical Quarterly

At the same time Carondelet persuaded the wealthy inhabitants
of St. Louis to form a company under the name of “‘Discoverers of
the Missouri” under the direction of Don Santiago Clamorgan,'*
an active and educated man, and he approved the rules and by-laws
[Reglamento é instrucciones] which they presented to him in May,
1794, and which he now remits [enclosures] marked numbers two
and three,'** conceding to the company the exclusive privilege of
trade with all the Indian nations of the Missouri who live beyond
the Poncas, and offered furthermore a reward of three thousand
pesos to the one who should first arrive at the South Sea, whose
discovery was very important, because aside from fixing its limits,
undoubtedly it would be the proper place for a post capable of
preventing both the English and Russians from settling on those
remote coasts.

The greatest obstacles which the Company of the Missouri has
encountered on its first two expeditions were the danger of passing
through the nations of the Lower Missouri, who do not wish to
permit our traders to carry arms and ammunition to their enemies
who inhabit the shores of that river, both because of the commercial
interest they have in it as well as because of the instigations of the
English of Hudson Bay, who wish to embrace all that trade.

The passage through the nations of the Lower Missouri may
be made safe without difficulty with the three forts which the
Company has constructed in the nations of the Othos, [Oto], Mahas,
and Poncas, and with even greater advantages if His Majesty con-
sents that one or two flat-bottomed boats [galeotas-chatas] armed
with six two-pounders, some swivel guns and twenty sailors, ply
the river protecting the expeditions at the most dangerous points.

These precautions, according to Carondelet, are the more
indispensable as the English now leave no doubt as to their inten-
tions toward Missouri, as is shown in the line of forts marked in
map [enclosure] number four, which they have established from
Lake Superior to the Mountains of the Black Rock, [Roca Negra—
Rocky Mountains], not very far, it seems from the South Sea, and
particularly by the attempt of the English Company of the North, |
which established a fort on the Missouri itself, half a league from

145 See A. P. Nasatir, ‘““‘The Formation of the Missouri Company”, in Missouri Historical
Review, XXV, (October, 1930); and Nasatir, ‘“Anglo-Spanish Rivalry in the Upper Missouri’,
loc, cit. This editor is now preparing a documentary history of the Missouri Company.

146 Enclosures with Carondelet to Prince of Peace, No. 65 Reservada, op. cit. Enclosure
No. 2 consists of articles of wn a mw No. 8 of copies of instructions given to Truteau.
Copies of these enclosures from A. G. I., P. de ©., 2363 are translated in Houck, Spanish Regime
in Missouri, II, 149-157, 164-172.

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 69

the village of the Mandans in the midst of the Spanish possessions,
according to two English deserters, a copy.of whose testimony is
included as [enclosure] number five.'*’

In consideration of this, the Governor of Louisiana believes
that it is necessary to hasten with the quickest means to restrain
the usurpations of the English companies of Montreal, Michili-
makinac, and Hudson’s Bay, and prevent them from taking pos-.
session of the territory which is watered by the Missouri, and pass-
ing through the Mountains of Roca Negra, joining their posts with
that of Nootka Sound, taking over all the trade with the Provincias
Internas and with the Californias.

But considering that the Governor intends to dislodge the
English from their posts adjoining the Mandans, distant more than
400 leagues from St. Louis of Illinois, from where the expedition
ought to start, he would have to spend more than fifty thousand
pesos (and perhaps fruitlessly, because the English Company could
establish itself lower down or further up), Carondelet proposes
that ten thousand pesos be granted annually to the Company in
order to maintain one hundred armed men in the forts which it has
built and intends to build, until they reach the South Sea, adding
that, when the ten years of exclusive rights are ended, it will not —
need this sum and in the meantime the Royal Treasury will have
gained more than 30,000 pesos annually from the duties upon the
fur trade and from those upon the introduction of goods necessary
for that trade.

Although the forts of the Company can contribute to the sup-
pression of the hostile incursions of the Nations of the Sioux, Sau-
teurs, Assinniboine, and others who live north of the Missouri,
which is the second obstacle which presents itself to the establish-
ment of the former [the forts], the Governor of Louisiana proposes
as the only means of overcoming this difficulty, that His Majesty
yield to the petition [enclosure number 6]1** of the English mer-
chant Mr. Andrew Todd,'*® inhabitant of the Michilimackinac, per-
mitting him to introduce all goods needed to trade with the Indians

147 Enclosure No. 5 with Carondelet to Prince of Peace, No. 65 reservada, op. cit.; it is
also to be found in A. G. I., P. de O., 172 where it is entitled ‘ ‘Papers Relating. to Santiago
L’Eglise’s Journey to the Indians of the Upper Missouri’, and has been translated and edited
in A. P. Nasatir, “Jacques D’Eglise on the ty = Missouri”, in Mississippi Valley Historical
Review, XIV, 47-57. In the copy in A. H. N. Estado, Carondelet’s signature is at the bottom,
but the rubrics of Moro, Trudeau and Soulard are not included. In addition to the above,
these matters are discussed in Nasatir, ‘‘Anglo-Spanish wr ae on the Upper Missouri’, loc. cit.
and Nasatir, ‘John Evans, Explorer and Surveyor’, loc.

148 Petition of Andres Todd to the Governor- Gocesal and the Intendant, December 18,
1795, agg copy enclosed as annex No. 6 with Carondelet to Prince of Peace, No. 65
R eservada, also in Archivo General de Indias, Audiencia de Santo Domingo, 87-1-24.

149 Of. supra, note 144.

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70 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

and take out the furs and products of the country, under the six
percent duty established before the war, upon which condition Todd
offers not only to assure the friendship of the Indians, with whom
he has very favorable relations because of the many years that he
handled the greater part of the trade of Canada, but that he will
cause to go down the Mississippi, during the course of the present
year, four thousand pacquets of furs, which at the rate of forty-
five pesos will produce for the Royal Treasury a sum of ten thou-
sand, eight hundred pesos, without counting the product of the re-
turns, nor the gains from increase in population, industry and con-
sumption, and navigation, and above all, the exclusion of American
traders, who, if we do not do this, will take possession of all this
trade with great damage to Louisiana and the Provincias Internas
of New Spain. At the same time, Carondelet says that, in agree-
ment with the Intendant, Don Francisco Rend6n, he has conceded to
Todd the favor of reduced duty on imports and exports from fifteen
to six per cent, for the term of one year and while His Majesty in
consideration of all this, resolves the problem, keeping in mind for
the solution not only the reasons explained here but many more of
greater importance.

_ Whereas Mr. Andrew Todd, fearing to lose the rich fur trade
which he was doing with the nations situated to the north of the
Ohio, Mississippi, and Missouri Rivers, because of the cession of
the Forts of the Strait and others, agreed upon by the English and
the Americans*"! by next June, has offered to transfer his trade to
Louisiana and to continue it under the conditions cited; and in this
state of affairs, either should his petition be denied or should he
await His Majesty’s decision, which could not arrive until July,
it was necessary for Todd, in order to avoid ruin, to side with the
United States, which have not yet ceased to regard him with
anxiety, freeing his goods from all duty; since those which were
paid in the said states were returned to the merchants when they
laid out their goods among the Indians, and consequently, the gains
which would be offered by a trader as intelligent as Todd, with
sufficient means and one of the principal partners [interested] in
the Company of the Missouri, for which he provided all the supplies
needed for the three expeditions which it had made, and above all
a friend of the Indians with whom he would trade, would inevitably
be lost.

150 Decree of Carondelet, New gemeny: December 21, 1795, omrtiaies copy with the Petition
of Todd, December 18, 1795,

151In pursuance with Tre Treaty, 1794.

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The exemption from import duties which is enjoyed by the
English companies of Hudson’s Bay, Michilimackinac,’ etc., had
been the principal reason why they have usurped not only all the
fur trade of the north and of our own establishment of Illinois, but
also that they have furnished to the latter whatever goods they
have needed, at prices cheaper than those current in New Orleans,
in spite of the great expenses and difficulties which the long distance
by land and water causes them. And His Majesty has continued
these precepts by conceding various privileges to the English house
of Don Guillermo Panton, freeing it from all duty in the trade
which it has with our Indians in the south, in order to keep his
[their] friendship. Furthermore, says Carondelet, the reduction
of duties in favor of Todd does not harm in any way the rest of
the trade in Louisiana nor of the Company of the Missouri; due
to the fact that his privileges do not extend beyond the particular
trade with the savage nations to the north of the Ohio and of the
Missouri; and with this motive, he recalls his previous statements
and those of the Intendant, to the end that all export and import
duties be reduced to the same six percent as a sure means of aug-
menting the Royal Treasury, promoting agriculture and commerce,
of conciliating the will of the colonists, and of transforming Louis-
jana, which is today as grievous as it is uncultivated and deserted,
into a settled, useful and fertile province.

Finally, Carondelet believes that upon accepting the proposi-
tions of Todd, English smuggling will cease, and consequently a
subject of complaint between our Court and that of England, as
has occurred in the complaints directed by Lord Dorchester on the
matter of the Todd confiscation, whose [Todd’s] memorial which
he includes, he recommends to the generosity of His Majesty that
he may deign to order returned to him the 7,860 pesos value of the
goods and properties taken by Don Zenon Trudeau.***

His Majesty and the Consejo, informed in detail of all the oc-
currences in Louisiana and of the opportune provisions and dispo-
sitions that have been communicated successively through the

152 On these and other English companies see G. C. Davi The Northwest x
(Berkeley, 1918); L. J. Burpee, The Search for the Western Sea; George Bryce, The Remar
History of the Hudsons Bay Company, (New York, 1900); J. B. Tyrell [Editor], David
hompson’s Narrative and His Explorations in Western America, (Toronto, 1916); Elliot Coues
Editor], New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest, (New York, 1897); L. R.
on, Les Bourgeoisie de la Compagnie du Nord Ouest ..... » (Quebec, 1890); L. A. Tohill,
“Robert Dickson, British Fur Trader on the Upper Mississippi’, in North Dakota Historical
Quarterly, (October, 1928-April, 1929); W. Stevens, North West Fur Trade, (Urbana, Illinois,
1928).
153 A. P. Nasatir, “The Anglo-S Frontier on the Upper Mississippi’, loc. cit., 202-
2038, 206-209; Dorchester to Carond Montreal, August 21, 1794, A. G. I., P. de O., 2371.

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72 _ The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Ministry of State to the Governor without the least delay, accord-
ing to the situation in which were found the affairs of the United
States, now these and now those meriting your sovereign approval,
and commendation as most wise and convenient to consolidate per-
manently the good friendship between His Majesty and the United
States of America, to the general good and reciprocal benefit of
both countries, suppressing at the same time the incursions of the
Indian nations friendly to the English and the ursurpations of the
latter, who in the last year have arrived at the said extreme of
constructing a Fort in the Nation of the Mandans, situated on the
Mississippi [Missouri], 440 leagues from the town of St. Louis
of Illinois, and 200 from Nuevo Santa Fé, and consequently in the
midst of the Spanish possessions:

Royal Resolution: Finally, His Majesty and the Council in-
formed of the means which the Governor (in accord with the In-
tendant and with the English merchant, Mr. Andrew Todd, estab-
lished in: Michilimakinac) proposes to suppress all those evils and
the growing contraband trade which the English carry on from
Canada with the Sioux, Sauteurs, Assinniboine, and other nations
which inhabit the country north of the Missouri, in conformity with
all the articles of the treaty of Friendship, Boundaries and Naviga- .
_ tion concluded between His Majesty and those States,* read by me
in this same Consejo, as a result of the reflection connected and
almost identical, which I presented, His Majesty deigned to grant
the following points and concessions :15

First: The approval of the Spanish Company formed in 1794
for the discoveries to the West of the Missouri River, under the con-
stitution and by-laws [Reglamentos é instrucciones] with which
the Governor permitted and conceded to it the exclusive privilege
of trading with all the Indian Nations of the said Missouri who live
beyond the Poncas, offering the award of three thousand pesos to
the first who should arrive at the South Sea.

Second: Permission for the Company to arm at its expense
and maintain armed in the forts which it has and may have in the

154 Treaty of San Lorenzo, or Pinckney’s Treaty.

155 This - Brow Fe and excerpts from it may be found in several letters. Among these are
Montarco to Prince of Peace, yg May 29, 1796, mcg, General de Indias, Dattende
de Santo Domingo, 87-83-22, co Historical Society, Papers From Spain, No. 97; and
in Gardoqui to Governor ‘of uisiana, Aranjuez, June 11, 1796, A. G. I., P. de C., 176B;
Gardoqui to Intendant of Louisiana, Aranjuez, June 11, 1796, ibid., 129, translated in Houck,
Spanish Regime in Missouri, II, 179-180; Carondelet to Trudeau, New Orleans, September 16,
1796, A. G. I., P. de C., 2364, and a draft in ibid., 180; Carondelet to Clamorgan, New Orleans,
September hor and October 26, 1796, mss. in Missouri Historical Soci Clamorgan manu-
scripts, and ‘ibid., translated in American State Papers, Public Lands, roeTit, 235-236.

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future the one hundred armed men which are considered necessary,
all under the orders of the Governor and with the object indicated,
which will be fulfilled with the greatest care.

Third: That all export and import duties be reduced to six
percent as is proposed by the Governor and Intendant, both taking
care to keep exact account and to report to His Majesty at the
end of the first year the results which are hoped from such a
beneficial measure.

Fourth: The permission which is solicited by the English
merchant, Mr. Andrew Todd, to introduce all the goods necessary
for his private trade with the savage nations to the north of the
rivers Ohio and Missouri, and to take out the furs and other
products of the country under the six percent duty established
before the war, and [upon] the condition which he offers and
which must be preceded by his establishing himself in Louisiana.

Fifth: That in this same concept be effective the favor of
the reduction from fifteen to six percent import and export duty
which the Governor, in agreement with the Intendant, conceded
to Todd for a year, without prejudice to the Royal Resolution.

Sixth: That in order to excite anew the zeal with which Todd
offers to realize the gains which he proposes, there be returned
to him one third of the 7,860 pesos, which it seems is the value
of the goods of which he was despoiled by Don Zenon Trudeau.

And finally, that the Governor making all understand the great
importance of these concessions and immense benefits which the
sovereign piety and magnificence of His Majesty has condescended
to grant in the treaty of Friendship, Boundaries and Navigation,
to the reciprocal benefit of his beloved vassals, of the United
States, and of the Indian nations associated and subject to the
two contracting parties, he hopes that all the important objects of
these provisions may be speedily fulfilled.

[2° Folios 10-14 verso] Expediente del ministro de Estado
acerca de la Ysla de la Trinidad, y de la necesidad de ponerla
sobre el pie corriente de defensa.'**

[8° folios 14 verso -15] Expediente from the Ministry of
State concerning the publication of the printed treaty made with
the United States.

156 Subjects 2, 4 and 5 included in the minutes of this session, have not been recorded in
this guide as they have little or no connection with the history of the Mississippi Valley.

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“T informed His Majesty of the official letter of the twenty-
sixth of the current month in which the Prince of Peace had
sent me several printed copies of the Treaty of Friendship, Bound-
aries and Navigation concluded between the King, Our Lord, and
the United States of America, to which reference was made in the
extracts of the last letters of the governor of Louisiana so that he
might inform His Majesty of everything in the next Consejo.

I showed His Majesty the interesting connection that the
articles of that treaty had with the political and military situation
and with the points brought up by the governor and which de-
manded a resolution which could even be considered to have been
decided in the main by this same treaty and that if it seemed fit-
ting to the Consejo I would read them literally so that with full
knowledge they might decide the former expediente which I told
about at first. ©

Royal Resolution: His Majesty agreed with these and other
reflections which I proposed with that object and after hearing
and approving several explanations and ideas which the Prince
of Peace set forth for a greater clearness and understanding of
everything, His Majesty ordered me to read and I read all the arti-
cles of the treaty receiving from His Majesty and from the Con-
sejo very special praise and ending in this way; the above men-
tioned expediente of Louisiana and all points with the general
resolution which I have set forth in its proper place... .”

[4° Folio 15] Expediente del ministro de Hacienda sobre la
necesidad de adoptar algunos arbitrios, para ocurrir a los gastos
de la corona. |

[5° Folio 15 verso] Expediente relating to the fortification
“de las obras de la muralla del Sur de la Plaza de Cadiz.”

[The minutes of this meeting end with the following words:]
“Con lo qual se terminé el presente, de que certifico. Aranjuez,
8 de Junio de 1796.”

E] Conde de Montarco [rubric]

March 31, 1797
[This is the second session entered in this volume. ]

August 26, 1797
[This is the third session entered in this volume.] The King
presided. The following were present: Don Antonio Valdés, Mar-

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Materials Relating to Mississippi Valley 75

qués de Bajamar, Marqués Caballero, Marqués de Astorga, Prin-
cipe de la Paz, Marqués del Socorro, Don Eugenio Llaguno, Carde-
nal Patriareca, Duque de la Roca, Governador del Consejo Real,
Don Juan Manuel Alvarez, Don Juan de Languno, Marqués de
los Hormazas. |

[At the end of this entry is found] Note: 27 March, 1799,
Juan Josef de Pefiuelas appointed to succeed Montarco.

[Next note is] El dia 11 de Mayo de 1808—The Consejo as-
sembled in the salons of the Palace at eleven-thirty in the morn-
ing—etc., José Pizarro (Secretary).

[Next] Consejo de Estado—held 19 July, 1808.
[Next] 22 July, 1808; to meet on 23rd July.
[Next] Note on Consejo of August 11, 1808.
[Next] Consejo of September 28, 1808.

[This is the last session entered in this volume which is only
one-half filled. ]

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THE WEST FLORIDA REVOLUTION OF 1810, AS TOLD IN

THE LETTERS OF JOHN RHEA, FULWAR SKIPWITH,
REUBEN KEMPER, AND OTHERS

Edited by JAMES A. PADGETT

INTRODUCTION

Perhaps in no section of the country have as many unique
characters assembled, for its size, as in West Florida in its early
days of strife and revolution. One of these interesting men was
John Rhea. In September, 1802, between Murdock’s Ford and
Thompson’s Creek, on the road leading from Baton Rouge to St.
Francisville, Cochran and Rhea were engaged in the mercantile
business in an old store house. Rhea married a daughter of De
Raoul, a French emigré. In 1802 Rhea was a merchant, planter,
and alcalde for Feliciana. His judicial office was about equal to
that of parish judge and required little of his time. This mild old
- Anglo-Saxon alcalde was doubtless equitable and paternal, and the
people were contented and happy under his rule. When the country
filled with fiery Huguenots and Cavalier immigrants from the
Carolinas, loud protests began to stir the hearts of the people
against monarchs. Then this Anglo-Saxon alcalde forgot his royal
master at Madrid and became a noted figure in the revolution, in
the convention, and as President of the country for a short time.’

On June 23, 1810, over five hundred inhabitants of Feliciana
gathered at “Egypt” plantation where, led by John Johnson, a pre-
arranged plan was submitted to the people for the purpose of
securing themselves against foreign invasion and domestic dis-
turbance. Of the entire number assembled only eleven disapproved
the plan of selecting four delegates who were to ask each of the
other districts to send delegates to a council to administer the gov-
ernment for the common good. Spanish officials in power were to
retain their offices, provided they submitted to the new order.
After selecting John Hunter Johnson, William Barrow, John Mills
and John Rhea as delegates the meeting adjourned.2 —

“> om, pam Arthur, The Story of the West Florida Rebellion, 28.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 : 77

The convention of delegates met on July 25, 1810, at St. John’s
Plains, and unanimously elected John Rhea as their presiding
officer and Dr. Andrew Steele of Baton Rouge as secretary. After
passing resolutions the convention adjourned.’ On September 21,
six members of the convention assembled at “Troy” plantation just
outside of St. Francisville. These six were the four from Feliciana
and Thomas Lilley and Philip Hickey. They knew their necks were
in danger, but they struck for liberty. Here the revolution began
and the Lone Star State was born.‘

On September 26, 1810, Rhea issued a proclamation to the
people, stating that the Declaration of Independence of West
Florida had been issued that day. He sent a letter to Governor
David Holmes of the Mississippi Territory giving him the reasons
for issuing the Declaration of Independence. He also sent a long
letter to President James Madison, pleading for annexation to the
United States.5

When the new government was cpanniiiad at the new state
capital on November 19, 1810, John Rhea was the senator from
Feliciana, having been elected on November 12. The state was
divided into five districts, with each district sending one senator
and one or more representatives. The new capital was St. Francis-
ville. The next day after assembling Fulwar Skipwith was elected
Governor of West Florida.* The government was organized, the
revolution was fought; and it is hard to say what might have
happened had not the United States almost immediately taken
over the country.

On January 19, 1811, Governor Claiborne appointed John
Rhea as judge for Feliciana in place of Dr. Steele. Claiborne said
that Rhea was prudent, judicious, a well disposed man, and seemed
to be much attached to the government of the United States.? He
wanted the United States to pay the debts of the convention.* On
October 10, 1810, he wrote Madison, soliciting a loan of $100,000
to be paid from the sale of the public lands which the state had
taken over, and also asking him to pardon all the men who had
deserted from the United States army to assist Florida in pro-
curing her independence.®

Ibid., 49-52.

Ibid., 101-102.

5 Ibid., 112-114, 122-123.

® Jbid., 128, 149.

7 Ibid., 152.

Ibid.

® Isaac Joslin Cox, The West Florida Controversy, 1798-1813, 416. _

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Perhaps the ablest leader in the Florida revolution was Ful-
war Skipwith, who joined the revolution on July 6, 1810, when
he and thirteen other men petitioned the Spanish government to
be permitted to hold a meeting in Feliciana.’° Fulwar Skipwith
was born in Dinwiddie county, Virginia, on February 21, 1765,
and died at Montesano plantation just above Baton Rouge, on
January 7, 1839, at the age of seventy-four. In 1790 President
Washington appointed him American consul to a small group of
West India Islands, including Martinique, Guadaloupe, Sainte Lu-
cia, and others. About a decade later President Jefferson appointed
him consul-general to France, with headquarters at Paris. In
those trying years of the Directorate, the Consulate, and the Em-
pire, the French, displeased with the United States, refused to
hold communications with the American ambassador. Consequent-
ly, Skipwith was the sole commercial and diplomatic represent-
ative of the United States in France; and during the years of
Napoleon’s Berlin and Milan decrees, he had to draw heavily on
his private purse to relieve American ship-masters and sailors
detained in French ports by the embargo,—a sum which he never
recovered.?!

Monroe put great confidence in him, and wrote to him for
some documents regarding the American claim to West Florida;
but he and John Armstrong could not agree in France, so Skip-

with departed.** He was offered land grants as a bribe to help

smooth out the difficulties between France and the United States,
but he flatly refused to have anything to do with such an unethi-
cal scheme.**

In 1809 he appeared in West Florida after resigning his
position in France on account of his differences with the Ameri-
can minister, which were partly due to the nature of Skipwith.
He settled on an estate on the Montesano Bluffs, near the planta-
tion operated by the Herries brothers. He intended to operate
a sheepwalk in Florida, but George Herries persuaded him that
there was much more money to be made in growing cotton. With
him came his wife, a Flemish Countess named Vanderclooster, his
daughter Lelia who had been educated in France, and his other
children. Lelia later married Thomas Bolling Robertson, Govaner
of Louisiana from 1820 to 1824."

10 Arthur, op. cit., 38.
11 Tbid., 90-91.

12 Cox, 123, 246.
18 Jbid.,

36 Arthur, ctt., 90-91.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 499

Fulwar Skipwith was a man of more than average intelli-
gence, well cultivated by collegiate study and by his cosmopolitan
associations in the different climes. He was six feet tall, straight
as an arrow, blessed with splendid physical development, had
exactly enough flesh for his bones, and possessed much muscular
ability. He was quite celebrated for his high-bred courtesy, his
general literary accomplishments, and his splendid style of living.
He brought from Paris French politesse, and French notions and
habits. He drove into Baton Rouge from his palatial residence in
the country in a splendid coach of four, with outriders and lackeys
to match. The planters certainly picked a distinguished looking,
well qualified mentally, and by experience a well equipped indi-
vidual to help Percy and Brown govern the province from the
bench of justice. Skipwith, like most of the other officials, favored
the convention.*5

On August 25, 1810, De Lassus refused to sign the appoint-
ment of Skipwith to the high court, which must have infuriated
him.? On November 20 the whole Assembly elected him “Governor
of the State’’.17 He favored annexation to the United States from
the very first, and used Thomas Bolling Robertson of New Orleans,
John Mason of Virginia, and John Graham in the State Depart-
ment to further his schemes.'®

In. December, 1810, when Governor Claiborne began to put
into operation the instructions of President Madison by taking
over West Florida and circulating the proclamation of the Presi-
dent, Skipwith defied Claiborne and the Legislature backed him.
Skipwith did not place much faith in the claim of the United
States to West Florida as a part of the Louisiana Purchase of
1803, but wished to complete the independence of the country to
the Perdido, have it recognized as free, and then join the United
States. Due to the persuasion of Holmes, Ballenger, and others,
he finally gave in and gave Holmes a letter to Claiborne expressing
gratification at being taken under the United States.’®

Skipwith acted on the square in the West Florida affair,
but was accused by some of being untrue to the cause. He pressed
for the payment of claims, payment of the expenses of the revolu-
tion in West Florida, and for the release of West Florida prisoners

18 op. cit., 417.
19 Jbid., 572; Arthur, op. cit., 136, 139.

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who were horribly treated in the Havana prisons; but all with-
out success.2°

i Claiborne offered to make Skipwith a justice of the peace

for Baton Rouge, but he declined the offer. He was elected to the
Orleans territorial legislature, which office he also declined. Later
he became register of the land office at Montpelier, serving as a
clearing house for all lands west of the Pear! river.*!

On his plantation Skipwith raised cotton, recovered his for-
tune which he had lost in France, and had trouble with his wife
and his children, who took the side of the mother.?? From early
morning until late evening he superintended his plantation af-
fairs, traveling all day long on foot. In the evening his nephew
sat in a fancy chair on one side of the fireplace, and on the other
side in a cushioned high-backed chair of state sat the Governor,
from whose mouth flowed phrases of Marly, Versailles, Paris,
Bonaparte, Barras, Sieyes, and Talleyrand, as water from a
gurgling fountain. On the table sat a long candle, a decanter of
water, sugar dish and tongs, a large meerschaum, small pouch of
tobacco, and a decanter of a quart of whiskey. On the other side
of his chair sat a basket of seed cotton and an empty basket. As
they talked they picked cotton, but he never paused while pic-
turing the wildest panorama ever enacted on a human stage. As
the night wore on the candle flickered in its socket, the water
decanter was empty, the sugar dish was empty, the tobacco pouch
was empty, the whiskey decanter was empty, the basket of seed
cotton was empty, but the basket of lint cotton was full and the
old Governor was quite full. After bidding his nephew good-night
he would back himself out of the room with all the grace of a
courtier of the ancient regime. At the end he was as dignified and
graceful as a king, and neither time, talk, nor whiskey had the
power to unsteady the legs of the late “Governor of West Flor-
_ ida’. To the end of his life he was in deed and in graceful carriage
the Consul of the Republic and the Governor of the independent
nation of Florida.” |

‘For many reasons the most interesting of the leaders in the
West Florida revolution was Reuben Kemper. Between the years
1803 and 1810 the name Kemper was a terror to the Spanish of

20 Cox, op. cit., 473-477, 572, 600.

21 Arthur, op. cit., 142; Letters of Skipwith, passim.
22 Arthur, op. cit., 142.

28 Jbid., 142-143.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 81

West Florida. The brave, brawny Nathan, Reuben, and Sam
Kemper each stood over six feet with boots off and tipped the
scales’ beam at two hundred pounds and more. They were not
only implacable in their hatred of anything and everything con-
nected with Spain and grafting Spanish officials, but also of
those non-Spanish citizens who did the Dons’ bidding.

The cause of trouble in West Florida began before the. pur-
chase of Louisiana by the United States. The leaders were the
Kemper brothers who had an unenviable reputation on the fron-
tier for disturbance and trouble. John Smith of Cincinnati, a
Baptist minister, United States Senator, merchant, and land spec-
ulator had some of his agents prove traitors to him. After pro-
curing judgment against them, he sought to eject them from
some land near the mouth of Bayou Sara. Alcalde Sterling could
not drive from the disputed premises Nathan and Samuel Kemp-
er, who barricaded themselves in a house. All the time Reuben
Kemper was sending threatening letters from New Orleans.”
Doubtless when Smith and the Kemper brothers entered into the
partnership in 1800 to engage in a colonization enterprise near
Baton Rouge, they did not know him and certainly he did not
know them. He doubtless thought that the sons of a Baptist
minister would deal fairly with him, and they believed that the
outstanding man that he was would be honest with them. Or per-
haps each party thought the other would be easy prey for graft;
but Smith soon found himself involved in great difficulties. When
a controversy arose with Smith over the joint accounts, the Kemp-
ers thought they were wronged. Daniel Clark and other specula-
tors who hoped to see West Florida a part of the Orleans Territory
abetted the Kempers.”®

The Congressman-Baptist preacher Smith had more trouble
with the three sons of the Baptist minister than he expected. When
Smith appealed to Governor Carlos Grand-Pré for eviction of the
Kempers, the Governor had the case investigated by a jury com-
mittee of disinterested neighbors, who said that the Kempers
must go. Nathan Kemper, the proprietor of the land under Smith,
said that it belonged to the United States under the Louisiana
Purchase, that Smith had procured the decision of the jury “by

greasing official Spanish palms”; and he entered the tract of land

2+ Stanley Clisby Arthur, Story of the Kemper Brothers, 3.
25 Cox, op. eit., 152-154.
26 Dictionary of American Biography, X, 323.

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82 The Loutsiana Historical Quarterly

in the United States land office. Nathan refused to be moved and
said he would like to see the “blank-blanked Greasers do it’’.?"

Don Carlos ordered the use of force, but then advised Sterling
against it, later promising aid since he feared a general uprising.
Reuben appealed to Governor Claiborne to take possession of the
land as part of the Louisiana Purchase; but Claiborne refused
to take any action, and advised Reuben to appeal to the Marques
de Casa Calvo, the former governor of Louisiana, who also re-
fused to be drawn into the controversy. In the meantime the
Spanish officials dispatched an improvised Spanish gunboat to
Bayou Sara. The boat, supported by the militia, appeared too much
for Nathan and Sam, who retreated into the Mississippi Terri-
tory without spilling blood; but they did spill talk to the effect
that they would return and claim what belonged to them and
punish their false and grafting neighbors.”®

After the invasion of West Florida by another band of ruf-
fians who had a little skirmish with the Spanish, in which two
Americans were wounded and captured, one Spaniard killed and
another had his skin taken off with lashes, on August 7, 1804,
Nathan and Samuel, duly instructed by Reuben from New Orleans,
sallied from Mississippi Territory and endeavored to surprise and
capture Baton Rouge. They said they were to strike a blow in
behalf of Floridian Freedom. Their declaration of independence
was a rather remarkable document written by Edward Randolph
of Pinckneyville. Their banner contained seven stripes of alter-
nating blue and white, with two white stars on the union. Not
more than thirty soldiers crossed the border, although the report
was spread that fully two hundred had entered West Florida.
The people in the district did not rally to the new banner. They
had a skirmish on the eighth of August, and retreated to Bayou
Sara. They offered to treat for the exchange of Alcalde O’Connor
and his fellow prisoners for the release of the American prison-
ers; but the Governor refused their offer. Daniel Clark of New
Orleans went to the Spanish officials with a letter from Nathan
Kemper, agreeing to leave the territory if permitted to do so; but
the Governor swore he would hang them. Land and water forces
were organized to catch the rascals, and the “damned old Tory’”’,
Michael Jones, patrolled all the roads leading to the Mississippi
Territory. When the Americans learned of the great odds against

27
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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 83

them, and of the planned necktie party, they faded into the mag-
nolia forest and reached American soil without the loss of a man.
The Mississippi officials then agreed to arrest and punish all who
violated the laws of the United States. In New Orleans the former
Spanish governor demanded that the two Kemper brothers be
turned over to the Spanish officials to be hanged; if this was
not done he demanded that the Governor of Mississippi Territory
be required to remove them from the boundary, and that Reuben
Kemper should be punished for his threatening letters. Casa Yrujo,
the Spanish Minister to the United States, called on President
Jefferson; he claimed that Madison was back of the scheme, and
demanded that something be done.2® Samuel Kemper then opened
a tavern at Pinckneyville, and Nathan settled on a plantation
nearby; but Reuben scouted over the country, and of him many
rumors of schemes to invade West Florida were told, such as his
plan to go to the British Bahama Islands and import English
soldiers to wreak vengeance on the Spanish and conquer West
Florida. But the invasion never took place. For about a year the
border was quiet, relatively speaking.*°

: On September 3, 1805, a party of armed Spaniards filed into
Pinckneyville at midnight, surrounded the Kemper tavern where all
three of the brothers were that night, had their slaves beat them
_ with clubs while in bed, and then trussed them up and headed for
Spanish territory. The abductors turned their captors over to the
militia, and at the mouth of the Tunica bayou in the Mississippi
a boat started down the river with the three bound Kempers. As
they passed Pointe Coupée, where an American army post was
located, Nathan saw Dr. Thomas Towles on the levee, to whom he
bellowed the news of the capture before he was silenced. The doctor
notified Lieutenant William Wilson, who with some soldiers gave
chase in an American boat. Soon the Spanish boat was overtaken,
the Kemper brothers were rescued, and they with Captain Solomon
Alston were turned over to the American authorities at Fort
Adams. Judge Thomas Rodney released the Kempers under bond
to keep the peace, and the Spaniards upon condition that they would
return to Florida as soon as possible.™

William Barker, second in command to Solomon Alston, re-
mained to see what happened to the Kempers after the trial of
2° Ibid., 6-8.

8° Idid., 8-9.
_ [did., 9-10.

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84 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

the Spaniards; but as the Kempers came out they encountered him
on the court green, and under the very nose of the judge who bound
them to keep the peace they fell upon him and clubbed him with
their fists until they were exhausted. Barker eventually recovered,
but he was never quite the same. Later Reuben caught James
Horton, one of the kidnappers who had flailed him with clubs while
he was asleep, and chastised him as long as Horton could take the
beating and live. It must have been severe, for Reuben is described
as being “six-foot-six, active as a cat, with a voice that rumbled
like a bass drum”’.*? Reuben and Sam later captured Ira Kneeland,

another of the kidnappers, and inflicted on his back one hundred

lashes each; as Nathan was not present, they laid on a hundred
additional lashes for him, and then “Reuben cut off his ears with
a dull knife’. These ears, or at least a slice from each of them,
were kept in spirits of wine in the Kemper tavern at Pinckneyville
as a warning to all far and wide how unhealthy it was to trifle with
or wrong any member of the Kemper family. Solomon Alston, who
commanded the Spanish patrol and who greatly feared the infur-
iated Kempers, sought to evade them and died of dropsy, some say
tuberculosis, contracted from sleeping in an open boat, anchored
every night in the Mississippi river, to escape the Kemper fury.**
The two brothers, the chief leaders in the kidnapping, were forced
to meet a judgment of $7,000 in favor of Reuben Kemper.**

For five years the Kempers remained quiet, but in September,
1810, the planters captured Baton Rouge, raised the Lone Star
flag over its rampart, and proclaimed the free and independent
State of West Florida. This was done so quickly perhaps that the
Kempers did not learn about it in time to participate; but shortly
after the convention had set up the “Tom Thumb” Republic, Reu-
ben appeared on the scene where he was highly welcomed by the
patriots. On October 10, 1810, Joseph White and Reuben Kemper
were appointed by the Convention to invite the settlers about Mo-
bile and Pensacola to join in the revolution; and before the close
of that month Reuben was off on his mission wearing the title of
a colonel.*° He made Fort Stoddert his headquarters, where he
recruited a motley horde of men mostly from the settlements north
of the thirty-first degree of latitude. With such a force he sought
to force the surrender of Mobile. On Sunday, November 25, 1810,

$2 Tbid., 11.
33 Jbid., 11.

34 Dictionary of American Biography, x, 323.
85 Arthur, Kemper Brothers, 11-12; Cox, op. cit., 421.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 85

he raised the Lone Star flag at a suitable bluff which he re-
christened Bunker Hill. For some weeks he maintained a “moving
camp” on the east side of Mobile Bay, from which he vainly tried
to negotiate with the Spanish commandant. When his force began
to melt away he transferred his camp to the west side of the bay
and went across the border for more recruits. The United States
did not look with favor on the scheme of Kemper, so Judge Harry
Toulmin invited Reuben and two of his aides to the American side
of the border and placed them under arrest. With their leader
absent and the men full of whiskey the Dons had no trouble in
surprising the force, but in the battle that followed two Spaniards
were killed and four wounded. The patriots were forced to flee,
leaving four killed, three wounded, and seven captured. Among
the captured were Major William H. Hargrave and Cyrus Sibley,
who were held captive in Havana for six years. Later Kemper
made several journeys to Washington, seeking aid to procure
their release, which was accomplished after a ransom of $6,000
was appropriated.

: The Lone Star State ended on December 6, 1810, when Gov-

ernor Claiborne, acting under instructions and a proclamation
from President Madison, took over the tiny republic under the
claim that West Florida belonged to the United States under the
Louisiana Purchase treaty of 1803; thus proving that the three
fighting sons of the Baptist preacher had been in the right from
the first. Kemper then dismissed his men, told them that the
country had been taken over by the United States, and strongly
advised them to pay due allegiance and respect to their new
sovereign.*?

The conduct of Reuben Kemper in the West Florida revolution
has been greatly misunderstood. He was not a highwayman nor
a brigand, but a patriotic revolutionist; and if he is to be con-
demned for his frontier activities many of our noted heroes will
fall under the same condemnation. He may have been a little
rougher, a little more persistent, and more outspoken in his con-
duct than the others, but they were doing the same thing for the
same purpose. It is true that Reuben Kemper was celebrated for
his stalwart and gigantic stature, resonant voice, brusque soldier-
like manner, and above all for his “eloquent profanity”, but these

phy x ag Kemper Brothers, 11-21; Cox, op. cit., 457-485; Dictionary ef American Biogra-
‘aT Arthur, Kemper Brothers, 12.

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did not make a brigand of him.** His life demonstrates that he
was not an ordinary low minded criminal. He was probably born
in Loudoun or Fauquier county, Virginia, was an early resident
of Cincinnati where he formed the acquaintance of John Smith,
and died while on a business trip to Natchez, on January 28,
1827.°°

In the War of 1812 we find the Kempers with guns in their
hands supporting General Jackson at New Orleans when Packen-
ham invaded the United States. In the famous battle of the night
of December 23, 1814, Nathan Kemper, commanding a company of
citizens, was so busy shooting the British that he became separated
from his own men and found himself among the British. Here he
assumed the position of a British officer and led the English soldiers
to the American lines, where they were made prisoners. Reuben, a
volunteer in the dashing Feliciana dragoons, was of valuable service
to Jackson and was honorably mentioned on four occasions for his
valor. Jackson needed someone to spy out the actions of the British
before and after the famous battle of January 8, 1815, and he picked

Colonel Reuben Kemper for the tasks. He did the work so well |

that he won the praise of “Old Hickory’’, who knew a fighting man
when he saw one.‘

With the defeat of the British at New Orleans Reuben’s days
of warfare were not over. He hated the Spanish so fiercely that
he would even go out of his way to procure a chance to take a shot

at them; and in one of the many forays by the Mexicans against |

Spain in Texas, Reuben with a picked body of Americans found
vent for his spleen against the Dons. In one of the battles he
captured a number of Spanish troops which he turned over to a
Mexican general to be taken to a prison camp, but in spite of the
protestations of Kemper they were shot down by the guard on the
pretext that they had tried to escape. However, Kemper knew
better. In protest against this butchery he was so infuriated that
he resigned his commission as colonel on the spot, charged the
Mexican general with murder, and slapped his face. He then called
his Americans around him and started for American soil, but they
had to fight both Spaniard and Mexican to reach safety, which they
did without losing a man; but the same cannot be said of those who

opposed them.*!

88 Tbid., 12; Oyclopaedia American Biography, III, 512. |
39 Dictionary of American Biography, X, 82 323.

40 Arthur, Kemper Brothers,

41 Tbid., i3; Appleton’s Oyelopacdia of American Biography, III, 512.

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Kemper county, Mississippi, is named for the fighting Reuben
in recognition of his patriotic services. The descendants of Sam
Kemper and Nathan Kemper were prominent in Mississippi, Louis-
iana, and eleven other states, but Reuben was too busy fighting the
Spanish, the British, and taking part in revolutions to marry. When
he died in Natchez on January 28, 1826, Colonel Gilbert C. Russell
of the third United States Infantry in his eulogy said:

He was an extraordinary man, possessing a vigorous
mind, with a large stock of information, and an irresistable
resolution and firmness of purpose which carried him straight
ahead to his objectives, in attainment of which he always be-
lieved himself ‘right. He was as sincere in his attachments as
he was implacable in his resentments when he had been injured
or betrayed. In everything he did he always exercised the
utmost candor. Moreover, he was warmly attached to our
government and country and in every sense was a true
patriot.*

_ In preparing the letters of the participants in the West Florida
Revolution for the press the editor has endeavored to make an
exact reproduction of them as found in the Manuscripts Division,
Library of Congress. The syntax, spelling, and grammatical con-
structions are not of the best, but we must remember that most of
the men who took part in this revolt were not men of college train-
ing or even high school education; they were men with only ele-
mentary training, or the self taught products of the school of hard
knocks and hard work. These letters show the part played in this
revolt by these leaders, display their character and determination,
illustrate the love of the American people for liberty, and bring out
the idea that the American people do not fear great odds when they
make up their minds.

_ ‘TEXT OF THE LETTERS
Audibert to Skipwith*
Sir

According to your desire, I have made the private informa-
tions, on the loyalty to the Cause among the french, now in activity
of Service & Inhabitants of the District; that persons who know
them all, told me they Should be answerable for their Patriotism
that they are all ready to Shed their Blood to Support the Conven-

42 Arthur, Kemper Brothers, 18. says that Reuben Kemper died on January
1826, but the Dictionary of American P rte 823, places the date two days earlier;
Appleton’s Cyclopaedia of American Biograp my me 512, says that he was born in in Fauquier
De Virginia, in 1770 and died in Natchez on October 10, 1826.

est Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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tion and what measure She may take for the Security of the Coun-

try. |

I told them that any attachment to Bonaparte** Should be no
offense to the Country, they agreed that independence from all forc-
ing Powers should be Preferable & according to their Wishes, that
they had used of Bonaparte’s name to please the Spaniards who
had vexed them, but as citizens of their new Country they’d Rather
Remain independents than to Submit to any master; Such is their
intentions & are Ready to march to Clear the Country of the enemy ;
I recommended to them to watch among them that these Resolu-
tions Should Remain firm and decided to act on Notice, what the (y)
promised to fulfill. I think if the Convention Would promise to
her dissentors & the Ruined inhabitants of St. Domongo* by the
Spaniards, Some little Share in the Vacant lands for their personal
Military Service, that the Convention should soon have a Collection
of Good Soldiers who make a Continental War in St. Domingo
against all portion White, Black, and Mulatoes; this I point to your
Consideration if you think it necessary to appeal to Reinforcement
to attack the Rest of Florida, which I think indispensable for the
security of the Country.

I submit also to your Consideration a Paper here inclosed,
which Mr. Johnson may consider & use some part if he thinks
proper for the public good; I have no other pretentions but to Serve
the Cause of Liberty to whom you know my attachment.

I Remain with great Respect
Sir your most obedient Devoted Servant

4th. Septem. 1810. mgr
To Fulwer Skipwith Esqr

Baton Rouge |

(Audibert to F. Skipwith, Sept 4, 1810 1 Enclosure.)

** Napoleon’s brother Joseph was at this time on the Spanish throne, for in 1808 Napoleon
oe the country over and removed the old king, Charles IV, and his son, Ferdinand VII, from
pain.
*5 On October 23, 1790, a revolution broke out among the Negroes in Santo Domingo, led
by Jacques Ogé to gain for the Negroes equal rights with the whites. On May 15, 1791, the
French Assembly decreed that all persons of color born of free parents should be free. This
caused the whites to protest, and the French Assembly did not put the decree into operation at
once, so the Negroes revolted. In August, 1793, France abolished slavery in the island; then
Toussaint L’Ouverture and others attempted to drive the Spanish and English from the island.
In 1795 France procured the Spanish part of the island by the Treaty of Basel, and Toussaint
set up his own government, issuing a declaration of independence on July 1, 1801. Napoleon
failed to conquer the island, and in 1806 Spain regained her part of the island. In 1821 Simon
Bolivar gained control of the island for lombia; but since their first revolution the island
has been often torn asunder by insurrections and civil wars.—A. Ourtis Wilgus, A History of
Hispanic America, 493-494.

#6 After the government was organized Philemon Thomas was placed in command of the
army and C. M. Audibert, Samuel Baldwin, and John Mills were appointed naval agents. The
new authorities suspected the activities of the French refugees and C. M. Audibert assured the
convention that their previous attachment to Bonaparte had been to worry the Spaniards, but
that they would now fight for freedom. He could see no way out of their financial difficalties

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Grymes to Skipwith**
: New Orleans October 6th 1810
(Red. 27 ansd. 28th Inst.)
Dear Sir—

I wrote you very fully by yesterdays Mail. Thing the public
printer for the U. States & this Territory had promised to print
the Declaration of Independence,*® & General Thomas’s*® Report
together with my comments— but he returned them this Morning
& says that he cannot edit them— the rascal has become alarmed
at some thing I know not what— they will appear tho. without com-
ment in Mornings Paper— it is a Tory Press but as little tainted
as any we have— For God sake, be on your guard as to my first
communication and put Hickey®® & Steele™ on theirs also— it was
intended to be purely confidential— I hope you will not permit it
to operate unfavorably to me— I have many Enemies here who will
make the worst of every thing against me—

I am with great respect
Yr. Friend & well Wisher
P. Grymes
P.S. For fear of accidents destroy it— P.G.
Fulwarth Skipwith Esar.
Baton Rouge
(P. Grymes to F. Skipwith October 6, 1810)

except to buy goods on time and sell them at auction for cash. He said that “arms and men
cannot be provided — rayer and war cannot be made without money’’.—Stanley Clisby
Arthur, The Story of the West Florida Rebellion, 128; Isaac Joslin Cox, The West Florida
Controversy, 429, 431, 435.

‘7 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

*® The Declaration of Independence was signed on September 26, 1810, by John Rhea,
President of the Convention, and Andrew Steele, Secretary, and all the other members of the
Convention except Bill Cooper and Benjamin O. Williams. It declared that the people had
remained loyal to the legitimate sovereign as long as there was any hope of obtaining from
him protection for their lives and property. It mentioned the fact that they had made certain
regulations in concert with their first magistrate, laid charges —— the government for not
giving protection, appealed to God for vindication, and declared the territory a free state.—
Arthur, Story of West Florida, 113-114.

49 Philemon Thomas was born in North Carolina in 1764 and died in Baton Rouge,
Louisiana, November 18, 1847. He received a public school education; served in the avinelion:
moved to Kentucky where he served in the meet. moved to Louisiana; and was head
of the army in the een in West Florida 1810. Another report is that he was born
in Orange county, Virginia, February 9, 1763; ‘hel make the constitution of Kentucky in
1792; served in the i entucky house of re esentat ves from 1796 to 1799, and in the state
senate from 1800 to 1803; and moved to isiana in 1806 and settled on the banks of the
lower Mississippi. He served in the Louisiana house of representatives; became major-general
in the Louisiana militia in 1814, after being a leader in the West Florida Revolution ; held
this rank until 1815, in which capacity he took part in the War of 1812 in that section
was a member of Congress from March 4, 1831, to March 3, 1835; and continued to live in
Baton Rouge until his death.—Appleton’s Oyclopaedia of American Biography, VI, 85; Bio-
graphical Directory of Congress, 1609.

5° The parents of Philip Hickey moved to West Florida when a and —_—« the country,
and remained there after Spain regained it. His father was Daniel Hickey of Ennis, County
Clare, Ireland, and his mother was Martha Schrivner of Worcestershire, England.
moved to West Florida in 1775, and Philip was born at Manchac, June 17, 1778. He was
active in the revolution and was a message carrier.—Arthur, Story of West Florida, 33;

eat Florida Controversy, 222, 325, 336, 337, 342, 349-351, 367, 382, 385, 428.

ar Dr. Andrew ees wae a delegate from Baton Rouge to the convention, of which

was made sec a ey was judge of Feliciana and East Baton Rouge.—Arth ur, Story
e West Florida, 3 9, 141, 149.

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Kemper to Rhea*

Fort Stodert 28th October 1810

Gentlemen

I arrived at this place on the 24th Inst. safe without any things
happening on the rout material I crossed Perl River at or near the
line then to the Poast Road thence on to this place where I found
Colonel Richard Sparks®* an old acquaintance and friend who Re-
ceived me with attention and Hospitality I have communicated
freely with the Colonel who is warm in our cause will make any
opertunity of conveyance of information to the Fort of Mobile for
me that I wish he promises to obtain any information in his Power
& which may not be inconsistant in him as an officer of the United
States armey Thus fare I have named the Colonel but it may not
be thought Proper in me at this distance to give you up my author
to any communication which I may think Proper to make let it
suffice that I shall give you no information from vague Report as
a fact— James Horton™ arrived at Mobile a short time since in
company with Mr. Adams & perhaps some others of their Kedney
Their account as it appears excited great allarm in the minds of the
Citizens of Mobile most of whom have moved themselves & their
moovable Property into the Fort The Commandant have out his
Spys in every direction above twelve in No. on hors back Rangeing
from the fort to the River Paspagola & Back it appears they are
under aprehentions that the Convention have an army now under
march against them They aprehend danger too from above the
line— Their No. of Spanish Soldiers is estimated at about 50— the
Citizens 150 to 200 men able to bear arms a small part of the Citi-
zens tis thought would as soon suffer death as a change but the
greatest portion would vote in favor The Commandant tis thought
with some officers would hold out if they saw no chance of doing
better The Garrison is not from information Invulnirable on the
side next the water they have no cannon except painted logs &
stands at about one quarter of a mile from the River Their

52 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

58 Richard neeees of Pennsylvania was captain in the levies of 1791; became captain in
the infantry on arch 7,-1792, and of the third subsistence legion, September 4, 1792; was
transferred several times, and became major on July 29, 1806. He became lieutenant-colon
December 9, 1807; colonel, July 6, 1812; was honorably dischar on June 15, 1815; an
died July 1, 1815.—Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register of United States Army, 909.

54 James Horton was a former opponent of Kemper. On October 10, 1810, Reuben Kemper
and Joseph White were appointed to bring about united action between Mobile and Pensacola
and the government of West Florida, and desired to be instructed to legislate for those districts.
Horton and others caused reports to be circulated that caused alarm there among the ple.
Talk of the feud between the Kemper and Horton families disturbed both sides of the Coker
at Pinckneyville and led Holmes to employ regulars there for patrol duty.—Cox, West Florida
Controversy, 421, 438.

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ditches are dry at all times in a dry season no water now— Could
not the Infantry Company be spared from Baton Rouge to Travel
by land to the fort of Mobile I think if they could be sent on they
would be sufficient to effect the taking the fort at least & perhaps
going further It is given me as the opinion of some of the best
informed of the officers of this place that if I was to go one mile
below the line & raise the standard of liberty that in three days we
should have a force from above sufficient to march to & in the fort
of Mobile— I have seen but few of the Citizens yet Court is in
Cession at fort St. stephens 45 to 50 miles from here so that I
have not been among them yet shall within a few days visit them
privately at their own homes

General Mathews®™ late of Georgia was sent out by the secre-
tary of War** to visit the forts of mobile, Pensacola, & st. Au-
gustine— The object of his mission was to sound the spanish of-
ficers & Know whiter they would come under the Protection of the
United States & attach themselves to their government He waited
on the Commandant of mobile a short time since & made the propo-
sition but could not be answered either in the affirmative or nega-
tive as an inferior officer of the government The fever raged so at
Pensacola that he thought it unsafe to venture but is gone to st.
Augustine at this time he was handsomely Received at mobile This
information is correct as I had it from the young gentleman who
accompanied him from this place as his aid in the business.

Tis said that the fever still rages at Pensacola That they are
but week at best There is an officer there who says he has been
there three times & spent some time there each visit that he never
was there but at a time when one hundred men could have captured
the place with all ease with the loss but few men & perhaps none

55 George Mathews was born in Virginia in 1789, and died in Augusta, Georgia, on
rags oy 80, 1812. He led a company against the Indians when he was twenty-two; took
battle of Point Pleasant on October 10, 1774; fought during most of the Revolut on;
nt np bn awn at Germantown after receiving nine bayonet wounds; was exchanged in 1781,
and then fought with Greene in the South. He moved to Georgia in 1785; was in Congress
from 1789 to 1791; np, Governor of Georgia from 1793 to 5 1796; and had to fight the
Indians which cost him his popularity among them. He signed the Yazoo land fraud bill;
eral of the militia ; in January, was authorized
e py take possession o est Florida, an captured Ame nd.—A ppleton’s
of tography, IV, 258.
60 withes oe was born in Massachusetts on June 10, 1753. He gg at Harvard;
— medicine; was surgeon and later hospital surgeon ‘in @ regiment in the Revolution ;

rated a hospital during most of the war at Oolonel Beverly binson’s house te
West Point on the Hudson; and after the war practiced his profession in Boston. e was
su in the army to su Shay’s Rebellion; served in the legislature from 1788 to

rgeon ppress
1794; was in Oongress from 1800 to "4805: Secretary of War from 1807 to 1813; minister
to Holland from 1814 to 1818; served in Con from 1820 to 1823; was Governor of
American Biography, V, 372.

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29th I slept last night with a gentleman direct from Mobile
who shiped articles of Merchandize from New Orleans for this
place paid duty thereon Remained 8 or 10 days Dined in the time
with Mr. Innerrarity®’ of the house of Forbes & Co.®* who is said
to be all and all with the Commandant & officers of that place This
gentleman informs that Father Caleman of Pensacola who had ar-
rived a few days before with the few troops that were sent on by
Folch®® ten in No. only The Father informed that they had Re-
quired 600 men to be sent on from the Havanna™ but that they had
but little hope of them coming they had written for money which
was also doubtful at this dinner they spoke freely he learned that
they had been Tampering with the Indians The Chief of the Choc-
taws dined about that time with the Commandant and declared that
not a man of his should take part on either side & ordered all the
straglers to their homes which was obeyed The Mail will be on

57 James Innerarity was a representative for Forbes and Company of Mobile. They had
a good traffic in furs and even employed American vessels for their business. He watched
the society of bandits under Kennedy, and his attempt to procure help from Georgia and other
sections. Governor Folch told Innerarity that if the Americans above the line would not give
any aid to the convention he would abolish the commercial duties of which he complained. He >
thought that the people about Mobile would be glad of a temporary connection with Orleans
because of the ‘“‘Bigbians”. Judge Toulmin did not favor temporary annexation. He was
very active in the commerce of the South.—Cox, West Florida Controversey, 180, 448, 459, 468,
472, 473. ‘

58 Callava and Judge Fromentin caused General Jackson much trouble in Florida and
they were associated with John Innerarity, Pensacola representative of the rich Mobile traders,
Forbes and Company. This great company enjoyed special protection under the Spanish gov-
ernment in the Indian trade, but it was unpopular with the Americans who claimed it stimulated

Indian outrages, and Jackson believed the same thing. Nicolas M. Vidal, a Spanish conpgeont |

officer died, leaving his great amount of property to his Mulatto children, with Forbes
Company as administrator. Innerarity evaded several court proceedings and it was 1820, or
ten years after Vidal's death when he delivered the court papers. He had trouble with Jackson
after he became governor of Florida, but he forced a settlement.—John Spencer Bassett, Life
of Andrew Jackson, 301-309; Bassett, Correspondence of Jackson, II, 7n.

5® Vizente Folch was in much trouble in West Florida. In October, 1810, he was removed.
A year later he was penniless in Cadiz defending his reputation. The regency exculpated him
of blame in offering to deliver Florida to the United States. Five years later he was in Havana,
broke, trying to collect his arrears of salary and clear his name. He could not keep order in
West Florida, so he proposed to deliver it to the President of the United States . He
was willing for the American government to send troops to West Florida to stop lawlessness.
He was certain that the United States had sold out to France for a promise Canada and
Florida, and observed military preparations about New Orleans for marching into Florida.
Vizente Folch made a poor showing as governor of Florida, but it is doubtful if any person
could have preserved peace there. Morales wanted to see West Florida under the United
States, for he saw no hope of keeping it. Folch could not see any way by which he could
hold it. He was for twenty years on the frontier; was a nephew of Miro; had advanced in
position and responsibility; knew the people of the United States and their political views;
and watched them with keen insight and justifiable forebodings.—Cox, West Florida Controversy,
62, 68, 92, 149, 150, 161, 211-213, 287-289, 471, 474, 480, 508-519, 592-593.

6° On eae 25, 1810, W. H. Overton wrote Jackson from Cantonment Washington,
that they a commotion in West Florida; that the Americans had declared themselves
independent on September 23; that 250 of them marched and took possession of Baton Rouge
that night, killing Commander Grand Pré and a few Spanish soldiers wihout losing a man;
that General Thomas of Kentucky was their leader; that he had Governor Lassuse (De Lassus)
in chains; and that Governor Folch was then marching with 500 men. He said: “You have
no idea of the anxiety of the army to assist their brave countrymen in ae possession of
that Elegant part of this country, which our non energetic government long since purchased.
the Governor of this Territory has ordered out a part of the militia to be stationed on the
line to prevent any intercourse and to obstruct the negroes from passing to the assistance
of Either a part of our troops I think will be requested also, and there is but little doubt
of the ae being granted as we are panting for Exercise’. —Bassett, Oorrespondence of
Jackson, I, 204-205.

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directly They expect to Interesting News by it but it is detained but
a few minutes so I must be ready

Respectfully
I am Your Obedient servant
Reuben Kemper
John Rhea Esar.
President of the Convention
Baton Rouge

(Reuben Kemper to Convention of West Florida, October. 28, 1810)
(Let me not want information)

Convention Order*
Baton Rouge October 29th 1810

By the Committee of the Convention of Florida vested with full
powers by that body Resolved that one half as near as may be of
all the military stores taken at the fort of Baton Rouge, The heavy
Cannon and balls excepted, be conveyed without delay to the mouth
of Bayou Sarah® to be deposited with those already conveyed to
that place, & Capt John Ballenger™ is hereby authorized and re-
quired to make the necessary dispositions for carrying into effect
the foregoing resolution

_ By order of the Committee
John H. Johnson, Chairman“

Order for the transfer of public stores from Baton Rouge to Pensa-
cola Oct 29, 1810.

*1 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

*2 Bayou Sara is on the Mississippi river, in the parish of West Feliciana, about forty
miles above Baton Rouge. Little remains of it today, and it has been superseded by the
present town of St. Francisville.

68 John Ballenger, a recent immigrant to West Florida from Kentucky, was an active
agent for the revolution in West Florida. At ge gor he organized a company of forty-four
grenadiers, ‘‘fit to fight a Battle for the freedom the world”. He was present at the battle
of Baton Rouge when two-thirds of the Spanish soldiers fell at the first attack and not one
of the attacking party was injured. He favored annexation to the United States from the
first: organized the West Florida regulars; surrendered Baton Rouge to Holmes; pro
the Pearl river as a boundary for West Florida; worked hard with Kemper to have the
United States pay the debts contracted by the West Florida government, and recognize the
land claims; but the United States refused to pay the $40,000. However, those who had a
half-way claim were given land. In 1794 he served in the levies from Tennessee; was captain
in the infantry on March 12, 1812, and major March 38, 1813; and died August 14, 1813.—
Cox, Weet Florida Controversy, 388, 397, 418, 420, 428, 470, 502, 504, 599-601; Heitman,
United States Army, 188.

*4 John H. Johnson, a militia officer, took the lead in working up the convention in
West Florida and was later made commander at Bayou Sara. He dragged the Spanish flag
through the streets of Baton Rouge in the dust and replaced it with the flag of the independent
state of West Florida with a white star in the center. He was on the committee of public
safety which was to draft a constitution: he was on a committee of five to carry on the

vernment until the constitution was put into operation; and was later a Senator in the
Tautitane-Dex, West Florida Controversy, 824, 338, 365, 393, 397, 403, 421, 428, 482, 500.

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Committee to Ballenger®

To Captain John Ballenger®** Commanding the Fort of Baton Rouge
Sir

The Convention of Florida previous to their adjournment on
the 28th. Inst. have vested with full powers a Committee of five
members, viz Messrs. John H. Johnson,*? John Mills,** Phillip
Hickey,®® John Morgan’ and William Barrow™ to exercise the
powers and perform the duties of that body during its recess and
the said Committee having determined to adjourn this day to meet
and to hold their sessions after tomorrow at the Town of St.
Francesville will receive any communications which you may think
proper to make at this place and will not fail to communicate to you
anything which may be interesting to the post which you have in
charge.

The Committee have to seemed to you to use the greater
vigilance at all times that you may not be taken by surprise, and
that no accidents may happen by fire or otherwise either through
the negligence of your Troops, or the malicious contrivence of an
enemy from without. the necessity of this precaution must appear
evident to you when it is considered with how much ease the wooden
buildings and powder Magazine might be set on fire by any per-
son either without or within the Fort. The Character of many of
the men composing the companies under your command must sug-
gest to you the necessity a strict attention to dicipline both for the
safety of the public property which you have in charge and for
the benefit of the public service.

= West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

® See footnote 63, above

07 See footnote 64, above.

68 At a meeting at St. John’s Plains, between Baton Rouge and Bayou Sara, John Mills
was made chairman of a committee of five to call another meeting in August, 1810. He was
also on the committee of five to operate the government until the constitution could be put
into operation. He urged buying goods on credit and selling them at auction for cash at
a discount. He acted as messenger for Kemper and others with the government of West Florida,
and was very active in the revolution. John H. Mills in 1790 founded Bayou Sara. He set
up a trading post there, and soon it took more of the trade and was the most important
post between New Orleans and Natchez. When 500 men gathered at Egypt plantation was
selected as one of the four delegates from Feliciana to the convention. He was later one
of the naval agents after the state was organized.—Cox, West Florida Controversy, 360, 428,
431, 435, 465; Arthur, West Florida, 17, 37, 101, 128. ©

6° See footnote 50, above.

7° John Morgan was one of the fourteen signers from Baton Rouge for calling a convention;
was a member of the convention; and after oy constitution was adopted he was a mem
of the committee of five to operate the government until the constitution could be put into
operation.—Cox, West Florida Controversy, 354, 428; Arthur, West Florida, 39, ene 127.

71 William Barrow was one of the four delegates elected at Egypt plantati when over
500 men gathered there for the purpose of tryi sae to procure the Leumereiien, « of the other
districts. He was from North Carolina, had li near Bayou Sara for nine years before
the revolution, had become wealthy and influential; and although the Spanish officials knew
that he was pro-American, they did not molest him. Early in June, 1810, he saw the revolution
coming, and urged American intervention.—Arthur, West Florida, 37, 50, 101, 124, 127, 128;
Cox, West Florida Controversy, 338, 340, 364, 418, 428, 536.

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You are authorised to return any salute which may be given
to the Fort by any vessel bearing the Flag of any foreign nation,
and you will also salute General officers not our enemies who may
arrive at the town of Baton Rouge in their Military uniform

The State Prisoners will remain under your charge as here-
tofore until otherwise disposed of by the executive authority of
this Commonwealth, and you will not change or alter in any way
their situation without orders from that authority

Relying on your fidelity and good conduct in the discharge of
all the important duties of your station, we beg you to accept the
assurances of our high respect and consideration

By order of the Convention
(Copy) Baton Rouge 29th. Octr 1810

Committee Journal’

Journal of the Committee of the Convention of Florida
Baton Rouge October 29th. 1810

By the Committee of the Convention of Florida vested with
full power by that body Resolved that one half as near as may be,
of all the military stores taken at the fort of Baton Rouge, the
heavy cannon and balls excepted be conveyed without delay to the
mouth of Bayou Sarah to be deposited with those already conveyed
to that place, and Captain John Ballenger is hereby authorized and
required to make the necessary dispositions for carrying into effect
the foregoing resolution

By order of the Committee.
Baton Rouge October 29th. 1810

By the Committee of the Convention of Florida vested with
full powers by that body Resolved that the money found in the
house occupied by Mr. Delassus™ and among the archives of the

72 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

™ Don Carlos de Hault de Lassus belonged to a noble and honorable French family
in Flanders. His father was exiled for a plot to deliver Havre to the English fleet, and
came to New Orléans in 1795. Don Carlos was born in France in April, 1764, and enlisted
in the Spanish service at the - of eighteen. He rose rapidly, and in 1793 was breveted
lieutenant-colonel for bravery. e@ soon asked to be transferred to the Louisiana regiment,
so that he could follow his father, sister and brothers to the new world. His father was made
commander at New Bourbon, and he was commander at New Madrid on the we From
1799 to 1804 he was lieutenant governor of Upper Louisiana, with headquarters at St. Louis.
He was made colonel in 1802, and in 1804 he turned over Upper Louisiana to the United
States. Two of his brothers were in the Spanish service, and his sister married his secretary
d’Herbigny, who changed his name and became governor of Louisiana in 1829 under the
name o rbigny. In 1807 he became commander at Baton Rouge, where he was shocked
at the graft and lax enforcement of the law. It was reported that Napoleon was to regain
Louisiana from the United States, so the settlers took things in their own hands and o ized
their own government. On August 19, 1810, he gave a dinner to the convention and
in the district, in the house of the governor. delegates gave a dinner for him, and

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Government at the time of taking possession of the fort of Baton
Rouge be applied to the public use, and that the script of this Com-
monwealth be deposited for the amount as a security to the in-
dividuals to whom it may belong for the reimbursement thereof
with an interest of ten per cent per annum, and that the treasurer
of this Commonwealth make the proper dispositions for carrying
into effect the said resolution without delay
By order of the Committee
John H. Johnson, Chairman
Baton Rouge October 30th.

A letter is received by the Committee from the Commandt. of
the Fort of Baton Rouge of which the following is a Copy

“Fort of Baton Rouge Octob. 30th. 1810

Sir The number of men authorised to be raised by the Resolution
of the Convention is one hundred and Twenty six, the Bounty
money allowed is $756 Capt. Cook™* and myself drew six hundred
Dollars. The ballance remaining due is $106. We have 115 men in
service, 2 have died, and 2 diserted, at the end of the first month,
you will receive a regular return noting the day each man enlisted
and all other casualties

I am Sir with respect your obdt Servant

Signed J. Ballenger Capt. Comdt.
To the Chairman of the Committee of the Convention”

Letters to Capt. Jno. Ballenger Oct 29 & 30, 1810.

The following orders assigned to the Commisary “James Neilson
Esaqr
Sir we request you to have the Boat known by the name of the
King’s Barge, now the property of the Commonwealth, repaired |
with all possible Dispatch
Baton Rouge 30th Octob. 1810

By order of the Committee of the Convention

several smaller dinners followed. On September 20, he gave another dinner for the convention,
and at the same time sent word to the governor to send all the — he could to suppress
the insurrection. The messenger was arrested, which led to the revolution of September 21,
and the capture of Baton Rouge, where he was made prisoner. On October 16, a new
Captain Cook planned to release De Lassus, but he was cashiered and ordered to leave
Florida. The day that Claiborne reached Baton Rouge Skipwith freed De Lassus, who
24, friends living at Pointe Coupée.—Arthur, West Florida, 29-31, 62, 100,
101, 1

74 David T. Cook was from North Carolina and was made second lieutenant in the
sixth infantry on heat 24, 1800, and honorably discharged on June 15, 1800. He led the
third regiment of troops from Feliciana, and was the leader in the attempt to release De
Lassus and Shepherd Brown from prison at Baton Rouge, but he and two of his subalterns
were cashiered and ordered to leave West Florida ——Arthur, West Florida, 111, 124; Heitman,
United States Army, 323.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 97

James Neilson™ Esar
Sir you will proceed on the receipt of this order to the purchase of
Flour and baking a large quantity of biscuit calculated to keep some
time, as you progress in this business you will inform us, that we
may know what quantity is purchased

By order of the Committee
Baton Rouge Oct 30 1810

St Francisville 2nd. November 1810

The Committee met at this Place at the St Francisville Hotel. pres-
ent John Mills William Barrow & John H. Johnson

St Francisville 2nd Nov. 1810
Mr Geo Kavinaugh

Sir
The Public service, requiring that the Two Brass Field pieces

now Laying at this Place be mounted without delay, you are Re-
quested to press workmen, & carry it into effect, as early as pos-
sible— so that they may be ready in a very few days— a great
many Workmen Should be eaploys--- indeed as many as can work
on the business.—
We are Respectfully Yors.
By order of the committee
John H. Johnson Chairman

St. Francisville, 2nd Novr. 1810.
Mr. Fredk. A. Browder”
Sir
You are hereby authorised & requested to employ proper per-
sons at the expense of the Public & have the Muskets & Bayonets
now deposited at this place put in Complete order for the Service,
without delay. By order of the Committee

John H. Johnson Chairman

Order from the Committee of P. J. to get in readiness 2 brass field
Pieces Nov 2, 1810.

7’ James Neilson was appointed to make an inventory of the supplies at Baton Rouge |
after an eat Florida, 110. 13, 1810,

. Browder an seventeen others & paper on August assuring
the convention that the people of St. Francisville supported the representatives at St. John’s
ange vite ao them to act independently if they could not get justice otherwise,—Arthur,

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Kennedy to the Convention"
| McIntoshs Bluff 38d. November 1810
To the Convention of the State of West Florida, |
Gentlemen,

From the particulars requested of Col Kemper I now address
you on the subject of his Mission to the District of Mobille—— From
the alarmed situation of the people of Mobille, and that of the of-
ficers commanding the Fort of Mobille upon the arrival of Col
Kemper, it was impossible for him, or any other person to do any-
thing in an amicable way to induce them to become freemen, and
assume to themselves that form of government, which secures to
each individual his natural rights— The Spanish officers who now
command at Mobille, are determined to dispute every inch of
ground— The fort they repaired, the guns are all mounted and
every thing in fact assumes the face of a fort and a town prepared
for the worst— The Inhabitants have generally left the place or
removed their property into the fort, or over the Bay of Mobille—
The Spanish officers filling the minds of the people with the horrid
idea, that the Convention of Batton Rouge and their supporters
were a set of Robbers, whose sole object was murder and plunder !—
Such has been the character given to those men, who have in my
opinion deserved well of their Country. The Fort of Mobille is a
regular fortification, it was built by the French Government when
they owned the Floridas, the Bricks are much decay’d and a Breach
could be easy effected by two eighteen Pounders, which Cannon
could be brought across the Country. five hundred men from your
part of Florida, would be sufficient with 4 eighteen Pounders or
in fact with two to complete the reduction of Mobille and Pensacola
under the authority of the Convention— You have a great number
of well wishers in this country And I would Undertake to meet your
force at the Saw Mill Creek which is thirty miles from Mobile with
two full Company’s on condition that the Convention secure to me
and officers who may Volunteer the same grade that we now hold
under the Government of the Miss Territory— I have a family
that is dear to me, a considerable property and a large Connection
in the U States, on the contrary I have two Brothers in West
Florida, both of which stand high not only with the inhabitants, but
particular with the officers of the Spanish Government, but they
are like myself Americans,— and would without doubt join your
standard upon seeing me draw my Sword in the cause of the Con-

77 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 99

vention— I respect, I love your cause it is a good one it is the cause
of liberty and will prosper if you act wisely— Your fate as a nation
will depend on the reduction of Mobile and Pensacola, to the author-
ity of the Convention— that done remove the site of your govern-
ment to Mobille, which will be Capital of your Country— Nominate
your Ministers to the U States— if that government will receive
them you have nothing to fear, if they refuse, you will know then
what to depend on— I now command the Regiment adjoining the
Spanish line— and the next Mail from Washington will bring my
nomination to the command of the five company’s detailed for
publick service the officers of these three Regiments have volun-
teered on the express condition that I am appointed to the Com-
mand— I love my country I love your cause I can do nothing that
will brand me with the name of a Traitor, but I can never be silent,
when freemen are fighting for the cause of freedom. You may de-
pend on my feeble aid— determination is fixe’d— my fortune shall
be your fortune, your country shall be my country.

_ Maj. John Mills who will hand you this is a man, that will fight
and you can depend on him, his Knowledge as a Pilot and his Serv-
ice in aiding you to bring your Cannon across the Country will be
of the utmost importance— I have said all I can say, but you must
still remember that I am an American officer and this letter must
be confidential— I am gentlemen

Respectfully
Your Humble Servant

To the Honorable Joseph Pulaski Kennedy”

The Convention of the State of West Florida

Baton Rouge

Maj. Mills |

Joseph Pulaski Kennedy to Convention of West Florida Nov 3, 1810.

78 Jose Pulaski Kennedy, a leader in the Mobile Society, was a noted young lawyer
of this period; educa.ed in the eastern states; a son-in-law of Abraham Baldwin, Sr., and a
brother-in-law of Joel Barlow. He was ambitious, intriguing, popular, daring, very mannerly,
engaging, and without real talents» but in a seditious intrigue or for low arts he must be
acknowledged eminent. From his home on the Tombigbee he carried on his opposition to
Spain, which hatred was returned by not letting his brother, Dr. William Kennedy of Mobile,
send supplies to him. Joseph P. Kennedy and his friends wrote the President the United
States, threatening to take matters in their own hands unless something was done ing
the commerce at Mobile. He went to Georgia to arouse public opinion for the West
revolution. He knew he was liable to a prison term for so doing, but he was willing to
run the risk. He was a bitter foe of Judge Toulmin and said awful things about him. On
November 3, 1810, he was made colonel; was familiar with military and legal matters; and

ps the most popular man in the community. He had influential friends in the United
tates and in West Florida, where his two brothers resided. He was with Kemper in the
A to take Mobile and Pensacola before asking for annexation to the United States.
ickness in his family called him from the camp on Saw Mill Creek, and then Toulmin had
him, Caller, and Kemper arrested. In speaking of Kennedy, Toulmin said, “his acts would
have hung him in any other country’’.—Cox, West Florida Controversy, 180, 216, 222, 423,
445-447, 460, 463, 476, 483, 485, 494, 526, 583, 664.

2623B

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Kemper to Perez and to Kennedy.”
A Fort Stoddert 3d November 1810

Don Pares®® Commandant Civil & Military of Mobille

Sir Within you will find an address of the Convention at
Baton Rouge; from which you will discover that I am authorised to
enter in to any amicable arrangement as to the new organization
of that part of West Florida in which Mobile is situated into a
free and independent Government which the people of Baton Rouge,
have established not only for themselves but for their Brethern
throughout West Florida— The Kingdom of Spain is nomore. The
tyranical Despotism of Bonaparte has anihilated the government
of our Mother Country and West Florida a Colony of the Mother
country has a natural right by the Laws of God and Nations to
adopt for herself such a form of government as the Majority of
the People may in their wisdom think best— They have thought
as Republicans and in their Wisdom have deleanated such a form of
government that will secure to every Individual in the province the
right which God and Nature gave to them— suffer me to address
you as a man and a Christian and to call on you to accept of the
proposals now offered to you by your Brothers who are free and
are determined not only to make you so but every individual in
West Florida— You have much in your Power— You can do
much for yourself and fellow Citizens by accepting of the Brotherly
offer of your fellow Citizens you can prevent the Efusion of much
blood If we have to Resort to Arms The evils & horrors of War will
be laid to your. door accept then what we offer and become Free-
men— I shall wait your final determination to this communication
at Fort Stoddert Your answer will decide the fate of yourself and
the destiny of your fellow Citizens— Wey well then before you

determine Respectfully

I am Your Obedient servant
(Signed) Reuben Kemper
Colonel in the army of the Convention of West Florida
N.B. Yourself and the officers under your command shall be
intitled to the same Grade and Pay that you now hold
Reuben Kemper
Addressed to Don Caranto Pares Commandent Civil and Military
of Mobile
"19 West Florida Papers, Library of Con

gress.
5° Cayetano Perez, the commandant at Mobile watched the Americans. On June 20, =< ge
he wrote Maximilliano de St. Maxent, who had taken Folch’s place temporarily,

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 101

B.
Colonel Joseph P. Kennedy
Sir

Having full power and authority vested in me bearing date
Baton Rouge the Eleventh of October 1810 I for and in behalf of
the Convention of West Florida authorize you to raise a Regt. of
Volunteers to enter into actual service without delay— To Nomin-
ate officers to take Command of each Respective Company who
shall be duly commissioned with yourself their Colonel To hold
Rank agreeable to the Rules and articles of War by them adopted
given under my hand at McIntoches Bluff this third day of Novem-

(Signed) Reuben Kemper

Colonel of the army of the Convention of West Florida
Reuben Kemper to Don Pares Commandant, Civil & Military of
Mobile,

8, 1810.

Kemper to Rhea*! | |
Gentlemen Fort Stoddert 5th November 1810

I wrote you by last mail such information as I was then in

possession of and inclosed under cover addressed to Abner L. Dun-
can®? Esqr. requesting him to forward forthwith to you This
measure I adopted believing him friendly to our Interest and shall
continue to do so until advised to adopt another Plan of communi-
cating to your body such information as I am in possession of ex-
cept such as may require an express Messenger to proceed direct
Since I wrote you by last mail There was a command— re-
turned from Mobile who had been sent down on business for Capt
Wilkinson® The sargent gives accounts of the arrival of twenty
Troops on board of a small vessel said to have been from Pensacola
for the purpose the sargeant is said to be & I presume is a man of
Americans at Fort Stoddert had organized the Mobile Society for the purpose of taking Mobile.
At first he refused to surrender Mobile to Gaines and planned to fight it out. e finally
surrendered without firing a gun, for which he was tried; but he died before the case was
settled. However, his name was ‘cleared by the court —Cox, West Florida Controversy, 440,
451, nts, 511- 514, 617-619, 620-621.

1 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

a2 Abner L. Duncan was an attorney in owe. Orleans, but a great friend of the convention
of West Florida. He was also a friend of Jackson and one of his aides at the battle of

New Orleans. He was an attorney for Jackson in his trial for contempt of court in New
Orleans.—Bassett, Correspondence of Jackson, II, 91, 198, 210n; III, 191n, 196, VI, 145,
tt aon’ 161, 190, 203, 218, 456, 457; Cox, West Florida Controversy, 220, 405, 429,

83 James - ' to brigadier-general and secretary
of the boa , fter where he became
commander of : — for the separation of West
East; w ; was

the leading wi >
XX, 222-226.

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102 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Truth He brot a letter from the Principal Commertial houses of
that place stating that if that government should change that That
of the United States would be the most desirable of any other but
that he was highly Pleased with the Present form &c— &c— but
was under great aprehentions of the approaching change fearful
that it would Produce a state of anerky at once dangerous and un-
pleasant Distructive of Property & Personal security— There is
no doubt that they are making every Preparation at the fort To
ward off any force that may come against them— On the 3d Inst
I inclosed to the Commandant The address of the convention to
the people by express an answer to which I expect tomorrow It
was with difficulty that I could get a man to be the bearer At
length I got a man of Col. Sparks** whose time was nearly up he
is said to be a man Trust worthy— Major Mills arrived at this
place on Friday last handed me the letter he boar from J.H. John-
son® Esqr— and I think the Major will return with some dis-
patches to the Convention shortly if nothing happens on Wednes-
day 7th. Inst who will bear to you an account of what I have been
at what may be nerely counted on from this quarter If Mills®* has
success in his rout This will reach you after him so that it will give
you nothing worth Postage However I was at Fort st. Stephens
yesterday had an interview with Colonel McKee*’ who will be here
tomorrow he will not favor our views much but do nothing against
us I have assured him that we shall maintain the Independence
of the Floridas throughout &c. We have friends in this country to
the enterprize of whom you will be advised by Major Mills— fully
I have just arrived it is now dark & the mail will soon close

Veve La liberty Veve La Independence

John Rhea** Esaqr. Reuben Kemper

President of the Convention
Baton Rouge

Reuben Kemper to the Convention of West Florida, Nov 5, 1810.

84 See footnote 53, above.

85 See footnote 64, above.

86 See footnote 68, above.

87 John McKee was born in 1771; was educated at Liberty Hall Academy in Virginia;
was United States —_ for the Choctaws west of the Mississippi from 1802 to 1816; organized
the Choctaws and Chickasaws against the Creeks; became an officer in the land office at
Tuscaloosa, Alabama, on March 9, 1821; and was one of the earliest settlers in Tuscaloosa
county. He was a member of the committee to setile the boundary dispute between Kentucky
and Tennessee; was in Oongress from March 4, 1823, to March 3, 1829; was a member of
the committee in 1829 that made the treaty of Dancing Rabbit, by which a large tract of land
was acquired from the Choctaws; and died at his home, “Hill of Howth’, August 12, 1832.
He told Kemper that he did not favor his = p00 but that he would do nothing against him.

est Florida to the United States to prevent it
from falling into the hands of some European power.—Biographical Directory of Congress,
1266; Cox, West Florida Controversy, 463, 480, 522-526, 550, 627.
88 See the “Introduction” for an account of John Rhea.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 103

Kemper to Rhea*®
Fort Stoddert 6th November 1810
Gentlemen

I have made every effort to obtain such information as would
be usefull to the Convention which was to ascertain The strength
and disposition of the Fort of Mobile The disposition of the in-
habitants &c. &c. since I wrote you the Mail before last say 29th
Ult. we have accounts here of the arrival of Twenty soldiers from
the Pensecola The Fort is now undergone nerely an entire repair
in addition to their former fortification which was a Brick wall of
about fifteen to twenty feet high fifteen feet thick surrounded
by a large ditch 30 feet wide with three rows of Pickets in the
senter of the ditch Ten feet high six to eight Inches square— They
have now thrown up a bank outside of the ditch as high as wall of
the Fort to ward off any fireing that should take place at the wall
with Cannon— They have nearly all the Citizens within the Fort
every Night—

From existing Circumstances I have thought proper not to
venture myself in Person to Mobile to enter any negotiations as
being hardly probable that I should have effected any thing more
than hazzard my own safty— You will therefore see by the inclosed
Coppy Marked A The original of which I sent to the commandant
by express a reply to which I have earnestly looked for nearly all
day it now wants only 20 minuts of 11 OClock at night and no
account so that I presume we need expect no reply it was with some
difficulty I obtained a messenger however eventually employed a
good man and I fear there is something the matter.

Major Mills®® has waited for this since dinner to day for the
return so that I could give you his answer

However it is now for us to do the best we can You will see
by the Coppy marked B, the confidence I have relyed in Colonel
_ Joseph P. Kennedy*™ who is I am confident of the most Popular
standing of any man in this country he is a man of Legal Knowledge
and understands the duty of a soldier From what I have discovered
already I believe he will be able to raise his Regt. Complete or
nerely so An other advantage he has two Brothers below the line

8° West Florida Papers, of Congress. The two preceding letters are apparently
the ones mentioned as “A” and “B” and enclosed with this one.

°° See footnote 68, above.

®l-See footnote 78, above.

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of Property and influence It is mutually agreed between himself
& me that we raise the stare on Sunday next two weeks if nothing
happens and see who will come under her protection I have drawn
from him his Ideas on the subject which you also have accompany-
ing this We have agreed that the Convention send on to our support
five hundred men from the Baton Rouge distrects Well armed and
equiped for service We shall stand in need of two eighteen pounders
with plenty of ball and play Don Galvez on the Fort I have con-
versed with an old gentleman of information who was in the Fort
at the time it was taken from the British— Pensecola it is thought
will be but a small job however the thing is now afloat and we
must not look back The Cannon will probably come best by land
and Major Mills will be able to be usefull in conducting the army
the shortest and most safe rout He had the appointment of Major
promised to him by Colonel Kennedy in his Regt. of Mobile Vol-
enteers but from matured reflection it is thought that he would be
more beneficial as he would be long absent and has relinquished his
pretentions with expectations that you will provide for him in the
Baton Rouge divition on the Mobile command— We have made
some arrangements for the purchase of six Kegs Powder one thou-
sand pounds lead a large Keel boat some salt & some Corn and
when completed I shall draw on you for the amount— I think it is
proper that you should send on what is called (in the Military)
Contractors stores from New Orleans consigned to some one at this
place say Edward Randolph or some other good man living at Fort
Stoddert in sending Provitions let it be Pork flour whiskey &c—
We shall also want some money here to pay contingent expences
after we raise the Flag— You may rest assured that nothing on
our part shall be wanted to bring the inhabitants over to our
measure Colonel Kennedy will expect his commission to come on
by the first opertunity Colonel of the Mobille Regt. and he is of
opinion that he will be able to organize ten full Companys and
wishes Blank Commissions to be forwarded for the officers each
Company— Prompt and Inerjetick measures must be adopted to
secure success and a campaign from Baton Rouge of two or three
months will secure the Independents of the Floridas except Saint
Augusteen which Place I Know but little of the situation of but
Presume that the place would fall of its self— I have communicated
fully with Major Mills who will give you a more General view of
our plans of Cooperation You will serve us by forwarding such
information relating to the support we may count on and at what

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 105

time we may expect to meet with it Forward on the Constitution
too let us want Nothing to Tranquilize the People The Mail arrives
in a short time from Baton Rouge to this place— The people of
the upper Territory are unanemus in their good wishes to the
enterprise and will no doubt from appearances turn out handsomly
to the support of our standard

Respectfully I am
Your Obedient servant
Reuben Kemper

An express may be absolutely necessary on the arrival of Major
Mills to convey the earliest Information

John Rhea Esar.

President of the Convention

Baton Rouge

Major Mills

Reuben Kemper to Convention of West Florida Nov. 6, 1810.

A Citizen to the Convention (?) *

Considerations offered By a Citizen

I think there ought to be a Military Comity Composed of the
General and a few Veteran & officers who have made War in
America & in Europe. that the force is too Large & Require too
much men for Service; to Cut a Part of it, Make a ditch, Surround
it with a Palissade chevar’s de Frise & Gabions on the Ramparts,
which may be Repaired with the Sand extracted from the ditchs
& covered with green turf placed in Slopeness.

to compose a Small Regular body of Infantry for the Service
of the fort to which every day there should be joined a Supplament
of Volunteers, and make Regulations for the interior of the fort
Which Should be intimated to all in Service that they Should be
immediately acquainted with their duty & this in Both language

Kemper to Rhea®
Fort St Stephens 16th Novr. 1810
Gentlemen |
Soon after Major Mills left Fort Stoddert the express returned
from Mobile without any reply to my letter he said that the after-

*2 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.
°3 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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106 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

noon he arrived and handed it the Commandant he enquired from
whom he Recd it he answered from me the Commandant enquired
if he had any thing more or any letters from me to any other person
he answered no that I had employed him to deliver that to him &
to get his answer & that he had no other business he was then told
to go to his quarters & he would be sent for in an hour which was
done & the same questions ast & was told he mout go when he
pleased that he had no further business with him— I have been
informed since by some of the neighbors here who have been down
that they appear much more reconciled than before that the in-
habitants say they dont care how soon the change takes place. &
the Fort manifest less alarm— Our plans for hoisting the Flag on
Sunday the 25th Inst as I mentioned are the same I have still san-
guine hopes of raising a considerable No. of men to support our
independence from among our American friends as I wrote you
Coloned Kennedy is here on the business this evening We are most
Cordually Received by every one & if Judge Toulman dare not inter-
fere with out friends we shall do well enough he is busily circulating
_ a letter from the President to him in answer to one he rote the P. on

the Expedetion the Citizens of this Territory had in contemplation
last summer but I think it will have no effect to injure our enter-
prise I have had the address of the convention Translated into
French & carefully circulated among the most thinking part of the
inhabitants & shall continue to give Currency both in french & Eng-
lish— I shall send this week a confidential old Revolutionary
Character to Pensecola & an other to Mobille to Reconiter a little &
if a stroak is to be struck it will be done without delay & then you
must support us as I requested you by Mills—James Horton™ left ©
Mobile about 10 days ago for Pensecola & all his Negroes Kneeland
died at Pensecola about two weeks since with some one else from
Bayou Sara with the yellow fever Kneelands worth is not to be
doubted |

I have wrote heretofore by way of New Orleans & should
have had a answer from Abner L. Duncan® to whom I inclosed

®t See footnote 54, above.

*5 Abner L. Duncan was the legal advisor of James Wilkinson at New Orleans and
he helped work up a contract with Folch for —s 1,500 barrels of flour at $20 per
barrel to Pensacola, so as to secure an exculpatory letter from Folch for Wilkinson who
was being investigated at the time (1808). For the attack on Mobile he ranteed supplies
at New Orleans to the amount of $1,000. On November 25, 1810, when mper planned to
raise the Star in Mobile, Kennedy promised to meet the convention troops with two companies
from the ‘upper country’’, and they could take Mobile and soon have Pensacola and St.
Augustine. e was a volunteer aide to Jackson at New Orleans, and was one of his attorneys
at his trial for contempt of court when he was fined $1,000. He wrote out a protest to
the court against Jackson’s answering certain questions put to him—Cox, West Florida
Oontroversy, 220, 405, 429, 431, 465; Basset, Life of Jackson, 217, 228.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 107

my last mail if nothing had been rong This gose by the Washing-
ton mail & will be under cover to E Randolph our friend at Pincy-
Respectfully

I am Your Obedient servant

Reuben Kemper

I doubt the friendship of Judge Toulman®” who is postmaster at
Fort Stoddert Put any letters to me under cover to John John-
son®® Sugnr Esqr near Fort Stoddert & request him to forward
to me or to Colonel Kennedy who is married to his grand daughter

John Rhea Esaqr
President of the Convention
Baton Rouge

Reuben Kemper to Convention of West Florida, Nov 10, 1810

Orders to Thomas”
St Francisville Novr ye 12th 1810

To Brigadier General Philemon ——e Commander of the Mi-
litia of the State of Florida—

Sir

The Committee of the Convention of the State of Florida,
vested with full powers from the boddy and Acting in Obedience
to a Resolution of the same

Has resolved to raise from among the Militia under your Com-
mand Eleven Companies of Infantry of fifty men Each Exclu-
sive of Commissioned Officers and one of Cavalry of sixty Eight

°¢ Edward Randolph of Pinckneyville was a partner of Daniel Clark of New Orleans.
In the latter part of July they gathered at Troy plantation, where they drew up a _ code,
or constitution, or declaration, for the purpose of influencing the people of West Florida
for a Nay: tage It is known as the Troy code or constitution. The committee of five —
nothing to do with this code, but it was the work of Randolph alone.—Arthur, West Florida,

Harry Toulmin was ‘born in England in 1767. He was a Baptist minister and diseiple
of Dr. Priestley. In 1793 he settled in Norfolk, Virginia, but soon moved to Kent Upon
the recommendation of Jefferson he was elected to the presidency of the Transylvania
in April, 1794, whieh had been set u up lar through the influence of John Tedd and
Wallace, and had been chartered by Virginia in May, 1783. Its first session began at Danville
on February 1, 1785, with James Mitchell as its first teacher. It was soon moved to Lexington,
with Isaac Wilson in charge; and Reverend John Moore went in as president in 1791. Toulmin
resigned after two years of service. In 1796 he was appointed secretary of state under
Gevernor Garrard, which position he retained until 1804. He moved to the Mississippi
Te where he was made judge of the United States district court in the —
section. He later hel to frame the constitution for the new state of Alabama.
the author of a num of books, and died in Alabama on November 11, 1 55-Madionet
OCyclopaedia of American Biography, IV, 512-5138.

John Johnson, Sr., was a noted citizen at Fort Stoddert, who acted there as inter-
mediary for the revolutionists. Edward Morgan did the same at New Orleans, and Edward
Randol at Pinckneyville. West Florida Controversy, 465.
est Florida Papers,

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108 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

men to hold themselves in readiness to march at an Hours warn-
ing to any part of the state where they may be ordered and to
continue in service Ninety days from the date of the General
Rendezvouse unless sooner Discharged; the Officers and men will
be allowed the same pay and Rations that the troops of the united
States are Allowed; and all publick property that may be taken by
them shall be divided between the officers and Soldiers accord-
- ing to their Rank

They are to be apportioned from the several Districts in the
following manner

infantry Horse total
New Feliciana 150......and 68................ 218
Baton Rouge. 150 .... 150
St. Hellena .. 180 130
Saint Ferdinand 120 . 120
618 men

| Agreable to the request of the Board of officers held at
Baton Rouge the field officers are appointed by the Committee

Namely Colo William Kirkland?’ Commander of the Regt
| John Ballenger’! 2d in Command
Major Robert McCausland! Major of Battallion
Joseph Thomas? Do

A Council of Officers held this day at St. Francisville has
agreed to refer the appointment of the Captains and subalterns to
the field officers of Each Regiment; it is Expected that the
Number may be obtained of Volunteers But should that not be
the Case Drafts must take place in Each Company so as to make
up its quota it is Desired that the Captains and subalterns in-
tended for this Service shall be officers in the Militia and ap-
portioned among the several Companies

Should there not be the whole or a majority of the field offi-
cers of any Regiment to be Collected any one or more of them

100 William Kirkland and others signed an address to John Rhea which was a collection
of reasons for taking up arms. He was colonel at Baton Rouge on September 29, “1810. hy =
was to take the regular forces to Mobile where they would be assisted by 400 men

a committee, and he was to reduce the fort at Mobile.—Arthur, West Florida, 111, 119, 129.
Majer ation for and ded the Springfield
or rt McCausland ass cooperation for and comman
Grenadiers.—Arthur, West Florida, 111, 119.

103 Joseph Thomas was a trusted militia lieutenant-commander under Shepherd Brown,
the commander at St. Helena, who sent him to De Lassus to learn if he had given on
for the holding of a popular assembly.—Cox, West Florida Controversy, 348, 346, 350; Arthur,
West Florida, 42, 43, 124.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 109

Can Nominate the officer and Cause the men to be raised; and
make returns thereof to you— and on receiving your returns they
shall be Commissioned

You will please forward orders to the Commandants of the
Regiments without Delay

Orders to Genl. Thomas Nov. 12, 1810.

ne to Kemper; Kemper to Dupree; Kemper to Gray™
Pascagola district 12th November 1810

Colonel Kemper— Sir— from viewing our situation We the
inhabitants of this River have found it highly necessary to fall
on a plan to protect our Rights as those who were appointed by
the former government to Exercise Justice over this district have
deviated so far from that— they are not to be trusted as friends
to us— This Sir is the reason of our applying to you; For which
purpose we have appointed John H. Gray’® our agent as a man
well calculated for that business Mr. Gray will present to you the
proceedings of our settlement on Saturday last— And on his
fidelity you may rely— and by him you can Receive any further
Instructions, also to communicate to him whatever you may think
will Conduce to our safty or be of utility to your Plan Accept sir
of our best wishes for the prosperity of your undertaking Reg-
ulations and consider us our friends

(Signed) Sterling Dupree’

We whos names are hereunto annexed for our Safety “a
protection and for obtaining the benefit of Laws and Regulations
Equal and Just which for some time passed we have been de-
prived of We do feel it a duty we owe ourselves and familys to
adopt and such meathod as may best secure so desireable an
object— and as our fellow Citizens of Baton Rouge, have organ-
ized themselves into a form of government on pure Republican
principals Calculated to secure the happiness and prosperity of
the People. Under these impressions we think proper to declare

104 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress

105 John H. Gray was more conspicuous in W West Florida affairs after the revolution than
during it.—Cox, West Florida Oontroversy, 423.

106 Sterling Dupree took a leading part in the capture of Baton Rouge and in the West
Florida revolution. About six years after the close of the revolution he wrote James Monroe
asking pay for himself and other men who risked their lives and property to add the region
about Pascagoula to the United States. He and his band were really robbers, and they continued
to plunder after they took down the lone star — and raised the stars and stripes. Claiborne
had to send troops to sup og the disorders caused by them at Pascagoula. Holmes later

appointed he to an office in that section, about whom Lewis wrote that the people would
— the Dey of Algiers to officers of that sort.—Cox, West Florida Controversy, 423-427, 580,

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110 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

ourselves guided by the regulations and actuated by the same
principal— And shall Proceede to Elect officers from among us—
whose duty it shall be to form such Regulations as shall be com-
formable, and the same principals of the Convention of Baton
Rouge and said officers or Commanding officers shall be Em-
powered to send dispatches and hold a correspondence with the
Commander in Chief or such Commissioner or Commissioners as
may be appointed by that assembly, and make them acquainted
with our intentions, and obtain their Protection

(Signed)
John Eubanks, Henry Watter, Geo. Williams,
Eli Crockett, John Havin, Wm. Ferry,
James Davis, Fosset Douglas, Wm. Bartlet,
Walter Davis, Lewis Parker, John Elliott,
Geo. Eubanks, Hubbard Parker, Istlis FairBanks,
Wm. Eubanks, Michael A. McCarty, John Douglass,
John J. Abner, . Jas. Burns, John H. Gray,
Solomon Armstrong, Gal. Parker, Sterling Dupree,
Gabriel Burress, Aaron Parker, John Ward,
Ed. Smith, | Wm. Mills, Patrick Ward,
P. G. Munson, James Davis, Moses Ward,

Allin Goodin'”
This is to Certify that Sterling Dupree is legally Elected Capt
of this district and Gabrel Burris is Elected first Lieutenant and
William Eubanks’®* second Lieutenant agreeable to a contract
made this day and to act agreeable to the intention thereof

Pascagola District 10th November 1810 (and signed by the Citizens
as above)

Fort Stoddert 15th November 1810 ©
Sterling Dupree Esaqr
Dear Sir Your favor of the 12 Inst accompanying the decla-
ration and Patriotism of the numerous Inhabitants of your neigh-
borhood forwarded by Mr. John H. Gray has been duly Received
which I do most sincerely thank you for; The proceedings have
been such as to merit the highest applause of the convention and
all their well wishers— You have herewith the declaration of In-
dependence, a Copy of an address to the Inhabitants of the East-
ern districts of West Florida, forwarded by Major Joseph White!”
108 William Eubanks aren conspicuous in the West Florida revolution. He was second
lieutenant under Captain Dupree.—Cox, West Florida Controve 423.
®On October 10, 1810, the convention appointed Reuben mper

White as
to bring about united action with the brethren even in and
Cox, West Florida Controversy, 421.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 111

and myself as their agents. Major White was taken sick on the
road and I had to leve him so that the Burthen Devolves on me
You also have a copy of a line from me to Colonel Joseph P.
Kennedy by which you will see the confidence I have placed in
him— I am a stranger in the Country and must obtain such in-
formation and Counsil as I can and govern myself accordingly I
therefore request that you will not be back ward in suggesting
any Idea that may tend to the furthering the plans of the Con-
vention and serve the Independence of our Country— Mr. Gray
Will state to you my Ideas, with respect to geting hold of Arms
and Military stores. The time when the Star will Rise and shine
on the south of 31 North Latitude on or near the Bank of the
Mobile River— Major Hargrave'!® will wait on you with my
aprobation, agreeable to the advise of Colonel John Callier,’"4 with
whom I hope you will confer fully. Should this measure not meet
your aprobation and you will signify what would you may Calcu-
late that any thing in my Power will be done to promote the
cause of liberty In case you should succede in raising any num-
ber of volenteers to Justify the undertaking to lay hold on any
military stores you will cause the Volunteers to subscribe to the
oath of fidelity annexed to the declaration of Independence and
have Copies of the address to the Inhabitants, made out and fur- |
nished to each officer under your command with instructions to
give them free circulation among the Inhabitants generally—
You will also be carefull to give orders that no abuse shall be
given to those who may be disposed to throw difficultys in the
way of the Conventionests, but have them carefully secured so
that they go to trial and such property as may be obtained from
such Characters must be also carefully Kept and secured from
loss— In all cases of service the Valuation must be supplied with
wo act with ‘und’ Kemper urged his directions
carefully. Before Sterling was to take in volunteers they were to take the oath of allegiance,
and the counsellors were to administer the oath. Hargreave helped Dupree to organize his
forces, accompanied him down the Pascagoula when he occupied the fort at its mouth and
plundered some of the Teor. Upon his return Toulmin issued & warrant for his arrest, but
could find neither sheriff nor deputy to execute it. Of the sixty or more in the force at
Pascagoula only half of them lived below the line. Hargreave and Sibley were later captured
at the battle of Saw Mill Creek. Their friends worked hard for their release. Sibley and
some others were later released after great difficulty and suffering. Kemper twice visited
Washington to procure aid for the others. He pictured Hargreave as an honest free Revolu-
tionary veteran, but now he was loaded with chains and forced to do hard labor in the
His appeal was not effective at the time.—Cox, West Florida Controversy,

'111'The people above the line did not like the Spanish laws and called those who traded
with n traitors; so in 1806 John Caller ordered the militia to close the river to provision
boats, but Judge Toulmin persuaded Caller to abandon his idea of secret attack on Mobile.
He was later sent by Kemper to help about Pascagoula, where he was made colonel. He
was a brother of James Caller and as justice of Washington county. On account of te

and position he should have hel to enforce the law, instead of violating it, as T
remarked about him.—Cox, West Controversy, 185, 423, 476.

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The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

wholesom Provitions when to be had, and Receipted for agreeable
to their nominal Value. Be particular to order that no abuse shall
take place from Individual hatred or anemosety

I shall expect that each officer and Volunteer will feeal bound
to protect the Honor of the cause we embark in, and in all cases
preserve the Harmony between the Volunteers of the several dis-
tricts so as the more effectually to secure the object of our fondest
wishes

_ Mr. Gray has given it as his opinion, that you will be able to
raise a Batallion on your River and between that and the Pearl
River. And that Mr. Solomon Armstrong would be a popular
appointment to take the Command of a New Company to be raised
and that he himself would be willing to accept of the appointment
- of first Lieutenant under his command— and I have in conse-
quence of his information authorized him in Person or by agency
to invite any Number of Volunteers to join their Company and >
the standard of Florida— In this view I must submit the whole
arrangement and organization of your Batalion to yourself The
officers and Volunteers under your command or to accept what
Colonel Kennedy hath already proposed

Respectfully
I am Your Obedient servant

Reuben Kemper
Colonel of the Army of the Convention of West Florida

West Florida 15th November 1810

John H. Gray Esqr

Sir You are hereby authorized to invite and dispose any
number of Volunteers to Join our Flag and support the Inde-
pendence of the state of Florida for which purpose you can em-
power any friend to act under your directions all of whom will
be duly Respected and Rewarded by the Convention In Testemony
whereof I hereunto subscribe my name

Reuben Kemper
Colonel of the Army of the Convention of West Florida

Citizens of Pensacola District to Reuben Kemper and his reply to
same.

Nov 12, 15, 1810

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 113

Kemper to Rhea?

Tensaw settlement 18 miles from Fort Stoddert
19th November 1810
Gentlemen

However few we may have to support us on Sunday morn-
ing next we raise the Flag on the East side of the Mobille River
and indevor to cut“off any support that may appear from Pense-
cola to Mobille and indevor to Revolutionize the mindes of the
inhabitants of that Country who are numerous and influential—
since I wrote you from fort St Stephens on the 10 Inst I was in
the fork of Alabama & Bigby where the Citizens generally promis
their support & no doubt would turn out Handsomly was it not
that Judge Toulmin an Old Exiled Briton has been busily writing
to the inhabitants stating that should any of the Citizens of the
M Territory imbark with the adventurers of West Florida that
great Evil would arrise That they could never return to the
Country they left That their property would be Geoperdized and
they themselves should take Protection under a British Colonial
Government inevitably— last Wednesday I had a long War Talk
with him told him he was a fool &c— & he got mad and we parted
at that you will see by the inclosed that we may expect support
from Pascagola and Mr John H. Gray states that we may in all
probability get hold of a 12 Pounder & a handsom supply of
stores from the mouth of that River and more than Probable at
some other places— It is said that they howerly expect a support
from Havana but the ground of this I myself doubt— Colonel
Sparks says that the Judge may say what he will & we shall have
thousands to assist us the cause is so good an one We shall have
some support I Know & we must make the trial

I have no accounts yet from Pensecola or Mobille but shall
have before Sunday with respect to their Intentions to hold out
I have heretofore inclosed to A. L. Duncan" and have no ack-
nowledgment of the Receipt thereof now must put this under
cover to Benjamin Morgan!* Esqr who I know will sent it forth-
with to you— I have purchased some salt, some whisky, some

112 West Florida Papers, ao © of Congress.

113 See footnotes 87 and 95,

114 On September 18, 1814, * sogabes committee of safety, appointed four days before, composed
of Benjamin Morgan, Edward Livingston, P. Derbigny and five other leading = weddane of
New Orleans, wrote Jackson a long letter describing the country about the city, its

defense, the need for defense, the character of the people, etc., and asked him to them
if only for a short time.—Bassett, Correspondence of Jackson, TI, 51-54.

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114 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Powder, and some Corn which I shall have to draw on you for
We have the Colours made and ready to Hoiste I have no time to
loose in getting this in the mail—
Respectfully
I am Your obedient Humble Servant
Reuben Kemper

It seems hard to advise you regularly of what is going on here
at so great a distance

I have a moment yet to say that Yesterday Evening Colonel
Sparks Received a large Packet from Mobille said to be from
Pensecola. The contents of which I have no Knowledge— They
have obsurved that it was more probable than not that they would
call in the assistance of the United States This has been hinted to
me by the Collonel & the thing has been proposed to the Spanish
officers by some of the American officers This -would be a desire-
able movement to me & I presume to every Citizen of Florida
This account is sent to me by an officer who knows nothing of its
contents I hope to get the account tomorrow from Colonel Sparks
& shall advise the amount & if important by Express

Reuben Kemper
John Rhea Esaqr
President of the Convention of West Florida
or Jno. H. Johnson Cap— St Francisville

Reuben Kemper to Convention of West Florida, Nov: 19, 1810.

| Innerarity to Sanderson"
(Copy) Pensacola Novr. 23d, 1810—

Our situation here is critical in the extreme on the timely
interference of the American’ Government depends our safety,
Coll Cushing"* is momentarily expected at Mobile on his way to
Fort Stoddart with 5 Gun Boats, and 250 Men, with this force,
if he has the disposition he may save this province from the
horrors of Anarchy, and thro his means in less that two Months
more, the country may be honourably annexed to the U. S. I now

115 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress. The above letter was apparently enclosed
by Mills to Skipwith for purposes of information as to conditions at "Sondaaae.

116 Thomas Humphrey Cushing (1755-October 19, 1822) served in the Revolution as
sergeant; was in Arnold’s battle on Lake Champlain; was advanced until he became a brigadier-
general; and was made collector of customs at New Haven, Connecticut, in July, 1812.—
Appleton’s Cyclopaedia of American Biography, II, 40.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 115

most earnestly pray for Mr. Simpsons speedy arrival at New
Orleans, as through his influence and exertions, much harm might

be prevented
Signed, John Innerarity

To Mr. Sanderson
Mr. Innerarity"’ is Clerk, or partner of Mr. Forbes—
J. Mills
His Excellency Fulwer Skipwith
Governor of the State of West Florida

St. Francisville

John Innerarity to Mr. Sanderson,
Pensacola, Nov. 23, 1810.

Bill for Supplies
| New Orleans Nov 20th 1810
Ms Bot of Saml Packwood

4 Bbls Brown Sugar 1079 H at 7 $ 134.88
10 Do Salt at $4.50 Cts— 45.—
20 Do Whisky 599 galls at 6/8 486.68
1 Do Vinegar 32 do at 6/ 24.
10 Boxes Soap 382 H at 16% Cts 63.03
9 Do Candles 361 H at 27 Cts— 97.47
4 Bags Coffee. 501 H at 30 Cts— 150.30
1 empty Wine Cask for Vinegar 1.50
$1002.86

N. Orleans Novembr 20, 1810

Received payment in a note or obligation of the state of Florida
payable in 12 months, signed by President of the Convention and
punctual payment guaranteed by A. L. Duncan Esqr

Saml Packwood

Duncan to Johnson”®
The inclosed Bill of Lading will with the indorsement place
the Merchandize for which it calls Subject to your order— My

117 See footnote 57, above.

118 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress. g
119 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress. The preceding invoice was apparently -
inclosed in this letter. %:

116 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Nephew Mr. John Nicholson!”° to whose order they are shipped
will to make assurance doubly sure takes his passage on board of
the Vessel & be in readiness to meet any of your friends who may
be authorized to receive them— In a day or two (allowing my
Nephew time to reach Mobile) I will ship the like quantity so as
to complete your order & have an agent on the spot to receive
& to deliver them. |

You will find also by the inclosed bill of parcels that the
cash articles are all sound, and believe me that no effort shall
be wanting to place the whole, and any quantity more which you
may order safely under the direction of your agent at Ft. Stod-
dart or at any other fort near the sea shore which you may
occupy— We have not heard one lisp from the enemy since my last

Yrs very respectfully
A. L. Duncan

Jno H. Johnson Esar. 23d Novr. 1810
John H. Johnson Esar.
St. Francisville
State of Florida
(Way Letter)

Kemper to McMullen’
Tensaw Post-Office 23d Novr. 1810

Mr. Alexander McMullen
Dear Sir

Samuel Henry Esquare Attorney General of this district ar-
rived from Pensacola yesterday Evening gives Information that,
on the 21st. Inst. Governor Folk left Pensecola by water about
three Oclock in the Morning sailed for Mobile. This will be
handed you by Mr. Martin O’Neal who comes express to hand it
you I wish you to go on agreeable to our plans of Yesterday and
Should anything Occur of importance advise me without delay
Should the Governor have arrived get all the information you
can the manor in which he came how many men he brot. with him

120 As soon as Kemper learned of the orders of President Madison, in spite of recent
defeats, failures, lack of instructions, and recent prosecutions, he set to work te procure fili-
busters in Tensaw, St. Stephens, and Pascagoula to meet near Mobile, where Major Orso and
Lieutenant John Nicholson with Kemper boasted that the lone star would be hoisted at Mobile
before the stars and stripes. They were to “take a pull” at the Dons in revenge for the repulse
at Saw Mill Creek; they also hoped to receive the United States with open arms at Mobile,
when they would join the one star with the many.—Cox, West Florida Controversy, 511.

121 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 117

in what kind of vessel and where she lays who has been in charge
and everything Relating take all that you can geather with re-
spect to the Disposition of the Military &c. Citizens how they
Stand Effected towards our Views. I have no positive Information
from Baton Rouge yet, but, their was a Gentleman passed from
the Neighborhood in my absence who says that, there will be
instead of five hundred at, least, one thousand Men Cannon Small
arms &c &c. I am in high Spirits we Shall Muster Strong from
above the line and all below appear to want Terms. You will be
able to get, correct Information from Doctr. Dunlapp and 3.
bros— Run no risque do the best you can for yourself in the
business of the Fr land my respects to Noah & believe me Yours

Respectfully
Reuben Kemper,

Coln of the Convention of West Florida—
Recd. this moment— 10 OClock A.M. 24th Novr. 1810

Dear Colonel

The Commander of the Kentucky boat will not arrive at my
house before Sunday morning I have thought it the best to send
over by Mr Mickels two Kegs Powder and the lead two Drums,
my own Trunk which conteigns the Colours and one Barrel Whisky
I shall be over on tomorrow as soon as possible I hope you will
make the arrangements to have the things sent to Doctor Pol-
lards or to such a convenient place as you may think best I am
of the opinion that you had best send Me all the things by land—
Farwell (signed) J. P. Kennedy

P. S. Mr Mickels has with him four other men in the boat for
Bunkers hill— Capt McFalland is with me— Mr Rickets will
explain the rest by him I send Mr Calleers'*? letter that you may
Know how they come on

(signed) J.P.K

Mulberry Grove 23d November 1810

Colonel Joseph P Kennedy— Sir I am sorry to inform you
that it is out of my power to be at your house this evening, I
have particular business to attend to— you may rely on seeing me
at Bunkers Hill on Sunday at one OClock Dont blot me out of

your Books yet— Capt Jones in the fork has a full company Capt.
122 James, John, and Robert Caller were active with Kemper in the ee oan West

James Caller had a ‘tull company of troops in the “fork”. He was with Kemper
Florida Controversy, 469.

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Moffit (I am informed) has about forty and Mr Wie but about
twenty two— We have no news in this Country, only that N.H.
Gilmore is abusing the Expedition with all his might

I am yours &c
Robt. Caller jr.

Dupree to Kemper'*

Pascagola 18th. Nobr. 1810
Colo. Reuben. Kemper

Sir I received your instructions by Mr. Gray'!** and am now
acting on my order, and by the voice of the people, your instruc-
tions Verbally and Official, will be Attended to, we are now pre-
paring for decent on the bay of pascagola. Major Hargraves’*®
is with me and I Expect will accompany me down the River.
Please give me full Instructions If I may not prepare my Battal-
ion Arms &c at the expence of the Convention, During Service, or
what I may be justified in doing, be particular and Send your
advice fully on this head— any instructions that you may give,
will be attended to

(Sign) Sterling
Majr Pascagola Dis’ct

Gray to Kemper’?

Pascagola 18th. Novr. 1810.

Coln. Reuben Kemper
Sir

I arrived on pascagola on Saturday Attended our appointment
where your despatches were Communicated to the People which
was well received, and the people Subscribed to the oath of Fi-
delity. You will Receive this by Mr. William Eubanks'”* and I
hope you will Attend to his business and dispatch him immediately

Accept, Sir of my best wishes ;
John H. Gray

123 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress. This letter appears to be a copy, perha
by Kemper in a letter to Gray or another of his agents. "

124 See footnote 105, above.

125 See footnote 110, above.

126 See footnote 106, above.

a the ) West oo Papers, ES of Congress. It appears to have been appended to a copy
See fockuete 108, above.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 119

Kemper to Dupree'®
West Florida 21st Novr. 1810
Dear Sir

Yours of the 18th. Inst. per Mr. Eubanks I have now before ©
me, and happy to learn that you-and our fellow Citizens turn out
with Such Cordiality as they Do in Your Neighbourhood.

With respect to the supplying The Volunteers with armes
and amunition it must be done on the best terms it can You will
be carefull to receipt for any that you may have furnished by
individuals and order them well taken care of to return to their
owners, or to be Accounted for by the Convention and the officers
of each Company will cause recepts to be taken from Volunteers
receiving such arms &c. To a proper person, to be appointed by
you To act as Military agent for the time being, all public Military
Stores that may fall into your hands or the hands of any officer
commanding detachments under the Authority of the Convention
will carefully Distribute Them among the Volunteers, if necessary
for their use, or to secure them from loss or Injury—

I am happy to find that Majr. Hargraves is with you I hope
you will find him able councel a good Soldier, and as such he will
Meet the Aprobation of all our friends Coln. Kennedy?*® has just
left me his hart is with you & his efforts will be to support the ©
Harmony of the Volunteers and dignity of hour flag Accept of
my best wishes for your prosperity and my thanks for the prompt-
itude with which you have acted on this Interesting occasion

Respectfully I am Your Obdt Sert.

Reuben Kemper
Coln. of the Army of the Convention of West Florida

Kemper to Rhea‘
Tensaw Post Office 23d November, 1810
Gentlemen |
The inclosed Copies go to shew you what is going on in Pas-

cagola district and what precaution is taken to obtain information
from Mobille— There is a young Gentleman to call on me this

129 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.
180 See footnote 78, above.
181 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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Evening who is direct from Pensecola and sent by the inhabitants
to get information I shall write you the story after the inter-
view— since I wrote you by last mail I mentioned that I should
send to pensecola I have done so the gentleman has lived there
* through the summer says he is well acquainted with Colonel Kerk-
land'*? his name is Parsons called Major Parsons—'‘** I wrote
Mr Pintado*** and inclosed him a copy of your address to the
Inhabitants requesting him to shew it to every one he could with
safty & then hand it the Governor sound him and let me Know
the effect it would probably have Major Parsons will have a full
view of the People the situation of the Troops and every thing to
be done safely, he is an old soldier & will do his duty as such I
think— We have some Powder some Lead and shot shall raise
the stars at sunrise on the 25th Inst You will be advised of the
affair as it is, by this mail too if I can— I hope we shall be
respectable I am anxious to hear from you not a word since
Major Mills left here— I inclose two packets by mail to A.L.
Duncan!** Esqr who perhaps was absent I wrote Benj Morgan'!**
Esqr— at the time I wrote the first & have his answer of 9th Inst
Received the mail before last— I inclosed to you by last mail to
Mr Morgan requesting him to forward imediately & I inclose this
in the same way & shall continue to do so until otherwise advised
and if any thing should be improper in it I am sure he will tell
me— I am suspicious of Judge Toulman as Post Master and must
beg you to direct to this office under cover to Benjamin ONeal
who will send to me at any time he will be more convenient than
John Johnson whom I requested you before to cover and equally
as safe some of You must Recollect his son Ransom who was with
the boys in the house in 1804 he is now here & will make one of
our number I fancy in this case— I can hear nothing from
Nathan & Sam Kemper where are they & What at

Ten OClock 24th

I have had the interview with Mr Mackaboy who I mentioned
to Mr McMullin he is the step son of a respectable old Spanyard

182 Colonel William Kirkland, on September 25, 1810, signed a paper with others assuring |

support for independence. He was president of the government at Baton Rouge on September
29, 1810, and was later ordered to help subdue Mobile.—Arthur, West Florida, 111, 119, 129.

138 Parson was a major under Jackson on December 3, 1818. He was at the time serving
under John Cocke, who wrote Jackson on this date that he was sending Majors Mynatt and
Parson to learn about his supplies—Bassett, Correspondence of Jackson, I, 368.

184 Vizente Pintado was an officer in West Florida. In the summer of 1804 the oT
and others invaded West Florida and threatened to burn the barn of Pintado. He t to
drive them out. They later returned, burned his house and cotton gin, and seized him, O’Connor
and Terry.—Cox, West Florida Controversy, 154-156.

1385 See footnotes 87 and 95, above.

186 See footnote 114, above.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 121

of the name of Madride who always was Known to be friendly to
the Americans now says when we come from Batton Rouge that
he will turn his Jacket

-Mackaboy appeared to want all the information with respect
to the news of our friend that was posable to obtain I done my
best to explain to him in the most favorable manner in my Power
gave him much satisfaction & I believe he was convinced that
our cause is a good one_ says that he will moove his family above
the line & wait the result himself says that he wishes us well &
believes that more than half of the Citizens of Pensecola do too

Young Grand Pree had his hand torn to pieces by the burst-
ing his gun & had it taken off at the first Joint of his Wrist &
is now not well by any means says that he hardly credits Henrys
story of Folcks going off on the 21st that he thinks he was
hardly well enough That Colonel Mcrant is also confined to bead
and the place is now commanded by Major some one He appears
candid in saying that the opposition if any will be but a faint
one at pensecola but he says they still expect 800 men from
Havanna they were sent for to reduce the People of Baton Rouge
& if they should arrive (which he himself doubts) there will be
some fighting he says also that they are making no preparations
at present for defence— I gave him a Coppy of your Address to
the people which he was happy to get hold of says that he will
shew it to as many as he can & then his father will shew it to
every one— You will see the Coppy of Kennedys and Callers
letters which will give you a more correct Knowledge of our
prospects

I have nothing more Recollected shall write you from Bunkers
hill on the 25 or 26 so as to be in time for the mail that place I
have not seen yet but it is about fourteen miles below

Respectfully
I am Gentlemen
Your Obedient servant
Reuben Kemper

Two OClock a gentleman of trooth from the neighborhood
of Mobile this moment arrives informs that Governor Folch
arrived on the 22d in the afternoon in the schooner Commit 2
guns & a handsom copper Botomed but small he also informs that

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the Spanyards may count on little or no support from the Citizens
of Mobille Mr Dubrucar who commands Militia has declared that
he nor one of his men will go in to the Fort or ask their Protection
except forsed as Prisoners. Our Cockade is mounting freely more
so than I could have expected from the Circumstance of Judge
Toulmans Villianous exertions he is a base Devil filled with de-
—_— & Blading Rascality not a word further but am
Reuben Kemper

Mr Powel?®7 says he Knows not what force arrived with Folch
but thinks not much—

John Rhea
President of the Convention of the State of Florida
Baton Rouge

Reuben Kemper to Convention of West ee Nov: 23, 1810
1 Enclosure

Duncan to Johnson***
Sir,

By Mr. Swindler who is recommended to me by Mr Flowers**®
is a safe Conveyance—You will receive this inclosed Communica-
tion from our friend Kemper, by some accident he has not recd.
my letters but on this he will certainly understand how to address
My nephew left this at 2 o’clock and with wind & Weather with him,
be within your reach with the means, before your orders can be
transmitted

Yrs Very respectfully
A L. Duncan
24th. Novr. 1810

Jno. H. Johnson Esar.
John H. Johnson Esar.
St Francisville State of Florida

Hond. by & addressed to the particular care of Mr. Jno. Johnson
Abner L Duncan to the President of the Committee of Public
Safety. Nov 23. & 24, 1810 |

187 Powell lived in Mobile. Kennedy wrote Orso that he would meet him at the home of
Powell and there arrange about the work Of the Mobile Society in ca Mobile. woeargeee A was
as Fort Stoddert where he had organized this society.—Cox, West rida Controversy, 44

138 West Florida rs Library of Congress

139 Henry Flower in West Florida in in 1806.—Arthur, West Florida, 17.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 128 .

Steele to Skipwith

Baton Rouge Novr. 26th 1810
I received your note at a late hour last night requesting my
attendance at St Francisville without delay. My engagements are
such that I cannot possibly set out before tomorrow morning—
but you may be assured that all due diligence will be used now
and at all times to obey your orders and those of the Honorable
members of the Senate or any other authorities of my —

I have the honor to be

Your Excellency’s Obdt Servt
And. Steele!
His Excellency Fulwar Skipwith
St Francisville
And. Steele to Gov: Skipwith
Baton Rouge, Nov: 26, 1810.

Complaint to Skipwith against Dupree and others’

To his Excellency Fulwer on Governor of the State of
Florida.

The petition by Elizabeth Wilson by her attorney Joseph
Collins, hereby sheweth: That on the night of the second of this
present month (November) seven armed men headed by Sterling
Dupree, Solomon Armstrong & Henry Watter all inhabitants of
the Pascagoula river, forceably entered the house of the said
Elizabeth Wilson & demanded the Bill of sale for her negro wench
Poll & her three children; but not being able to find the Bill of
sale which was registered at Mobile they forceably seized & car-
ried off the said negro wench & her three children from off the
premises & out of the Possession of your petitioner; & your peti-
tioner also believes that the armed party aforesaid either destroyed
or carried off several valuable papers the property of Capt. Joseph
Collins, which were afterwards missing— And your petitioner
further begs leave to represent to your Excellency, that there is
not in the district of Pascagoula any legal tribunal organised to
which your petitioner can apply for redress—

--:140 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.
141 See footnote 51, above.

142 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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124 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Your petitioner therefore prays that your Excellency will
cause the said negroes to be restored vo your petitioner, & that
the said Sterling Dupree, Solomon Armstrong & Henry Watter be
compelled to give security for the injury done your petitioner &
for their future good behavior, as there is good reason to believe
that the lives & fortunes of the good citizens of the said district
of Pascagoula are in danger from the lawless designs of the said
Sterling Dupree, Solomon Armstrong & Henry Watter, & that your
Excellency will cause whatever to be done in behalf of your pe-
titioner which may consistent with law & justice & the powers
vested in you by the Constitution & your petitioner as in duty
bound will ever pray, &c-—— Jos: Collins***

I Joseph Collins do solemnly swear that the facts stated in
the above petition are true to the best of my Knowledge and belief
And I do further swear that after the search made by the armed
party as stated in the above petition, on examining my papers
those in the house of the said Elizabeth Wilson, I missed out of
the house a black leather pocket Book containing sundry private
papers, together with several bank notes the amount of which I
have not yet accurately ascertained, but believe it to be about
seven hundred dollars pee

os: Collins

St: Francisville,
Novr. 28th 1810
St Francisville November the 28, 1810—
Personal appear before Daniel Brunson Alede 3d Division
Joseph Collins and Declareth on Oath that the above Statement
is true and Nothing but truth So help Me God
Daniel Brunson
Alcade 3d Division
Collin’s Affidavit & Complaint against Sterling Dupree & others
for violence & robbing on Mrs. Wilson

Inaugural Address of Skipwith to General Assembly of West
Florida\*+

SPEECH of Governor Fulwer Skipwith*** to the Senate and House
of Representatives of the State of West-Florida, At St. Francisville,
on the Twenty-ninth of November, 1810.

148 Captain Joseph — was opposed to Dupree; was a witness nst him for Olaiborne;
was commander of the naval forces: and was instructed to examine what supplies they had to
see how much of them could be used at Mobile-—Cox, West Florida Cont roversy, 426, 435, 580.

ntroduction” for an account o pw Some idea his standing in France
can be procured from the letter following this.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 125

Gentlemen of the Senate, And of the House of Representatives,

Called by your joint and unanimous suffrages, to fill the office
of chief magistrate, under the constitution adopted by the people of
this commonwealth, I repair with a full sense of my own imperfect
qualifications, to that critical and honorable post, believing it to
be the duty of every citizen at this moment implicitly to obey the
- call of his country.

Placed like you, but as to day, to carry into effect a new system
of government, little more it is presumed, might be expected from
me at this moment of my entering into office, than the ordinary
professions of a governor, addressing the immediate representatives
of the people; yet my solicitude, during these first hours of the
convulsive birth of our infant republic, induces me on the present
occasion, to ask something more of your attention and indulgence.

The constitution excluding the chief executive officer, from
any voice in the legislation of the state, does nevertheless enjoin
on him, the duty of recommending to the general assembly, such
measures as he shall deem essential to the security and prosperity
of the public.

The arduous and intricate labours of legislation, devolving
wholly on you, gentlemen of the senate and house of representa-
tives, it is my intention only on this all important subject, in antici-
pation doubtless of your own views, to press especially and prompt-
ly, the establishment of a more compleat and applicable system of
criminal and civil jurisprudence; some more efficient measures for
organizing and diciplining the militia, and other forces necessary
to offensive, as well as defensive operations; a more just and equal
apportionment of representation among the several districts of the
state; and lastly, a more extensive basis for levying and appor-
tioning taxes and other resources of finance, required for the sup-
port of government and the military operations now on foot: and
adequate also, to meet other exigencies of the state, likely to inter-
vene between the present and your next session.

The judiciary system devised by the late convention, and sanc-
tioned by the representative of the sovereign, to whom we then held °
allegiance, does honor to that body, inasmuch, as it secured a better
administration of justice than had been practised before, and laid
the foundation for a more thorough reform; but the inhabitants of
_ this state, at length emancipated from despotism, will no longer
have occasion to compromise on the fundamental principles of jus-

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tice, and their rights. It is not doubted, therefore but that system
will undergo a revision, and be reformed by you, especially with
regard to the powers and attributes of the district courts, whose
judgments by the existing ordinances are final, both in civil and
criminal cases, to a very considerable amount. Judges of the in-
ferior, no less than the superior courts, when vested with the power,
to give final judgments, ought to be restricted to the exaulted and
unmixt functions of interpreting and applying the law. If this
maxim should appear to you to be founded in justice, you will pro-
vide by law for the appointment of proper officials to keep the
records, and execute all the judgments of the courts.

The constitution having provided in part, for the organizing
the militia, some changes will be necessary, in the existing law on
that subject, and it will readily occur to you, that nothing should
be omitted, which can give activity and energy to that body, on
which we must chiefly depend for our safety, in peace and in war.

To support the station which we have assumed as an indepen-
dent people, so long as we have enemies to that independence, with-
in our territory, some extraordinary sacrifices will be necessary ;
and as we have already commenced preparations for a military
enterprise, which if properly supported, will secure our success and
future prosperity; it is hoped that you will find no difficulty in
obtaining by taxes, the necessary funds for this momentous object.

Having been abandoned by a sovereign, whose system and
principles of colonization grew up in the past ages of bigotry and |
persecution; our rights of self government, will not be contested,
wherever the language and doctrines of enlightened civilians, and
writers on the laws of nations can be heard; nor can the glorious
conflict in which we are now engaged, with the remnant of dis-
membered and lawless forces, still occupying in hostile array, a part
of our country, and pretending to represent the shadow of departed
monarchy, prove unsuccessful. Our brave volunteers, conducting
themselves with temperence and fortitude, like the patriotic chief
who is to lead them, will teach the enemy, that Americans under-
standing the principles of liberty and a free government, are ever
ready to sacrifice their lives in its defense; for our cause is too
glorious, to be disgraced by fear or by submission.

When Charles the 4th, late sovereign of Spain, abdicated his
throne, and was followed by the heir apparent, styled Ferdinand
the 7th, to prefer an asylum in a foreign country, to defending the

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 127

sovereign independence of his crown and subjects; the people of
the Floridas, in common with the rest of the Spanish colonies, had
they consisted of but one family, were restored to the original
rights and natural charter of man; that of providing for their own
preservation and government.

We are then entitled to independence, and wherever the voice
of justice and humanity can be heard, our declaration, and our just
rights will be respected. But the blood which flows in our veins,
like the tributary streams which form and sustain the father of
rivers, encircling our delightful country, will return if not impeded,
to the heart of our parent country. The genius of Washington, the
immortal founder of the liberties of America, stimulates that re-
turn, and would frown upon our cause, should we attempt to change
its course.

There is a trait gentlemen, in the character of our emancipa-
tion, which must be approved by all who venerate the principles,
and supporters of American independence. It was not gold; it was
not the address or intrigues of foreign emissaries; it was not, even
an aspect of complaisance, or a promise of protection from the
country which most of us consider as’our parent state, which led
us to embark in so perilous an enterprize; but it was the resolution
_ and patriotism of the members individually of our late convention,
adhering steadily to their purpose of introducing a necessary re-
form, seconded by the virtuous military chief and brave citizens
who surrounded them, that gave success to our arms, and a reputa-
tion to our country, which overwhelms our enemies with despair,
and commands the respect of all who are friends to virtuous liberty.

_ It remains for us, by all the means in our power, to support a
character so honorable to ourselves and to our country. By the
example, conduct and application, to their respective duties, of all
public functionaries, the degraded and licentious among us, can be
best inspired with those precepts of order, decorum and subordina-
tion, which distinguish so pre-eminently, civilized from savage man,
and which must be among the first, and most cherished laws of
Heaven, since we see their divine essence expressed in the face of
all animate, and inanimate creation.

I conclude gentlemen, by assuring you of my ready, and cordial
co-operation with you, at all times, in such measures as may contri-
bute to the safety and prosperity of our country.

Natchez, (M.T.) Printed by John W. Winn & Co.

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‘Talleyrand to Skipwith

Paris, 12th. Florial 7th year of the
French Republic, one & indivisible

The Minister of Foreign Relations To Mr. gsr Skipwith, Consul
General of the United States.

I have received, Sir, the letter which you have done me the
honor to write to inform me that your resignation of the Office of
Consul General of the United States had been accepted by your Gov-
ernment. No less the excellent reputation which you enjoy and no
less that all your relations with my Department, since the adminis-
tration has been confided to me, have made me known of you, con-
curs with the present circumstance to aggravate the regret that I
feel to see you retiring from a Post in which you would still, as you
have always done, devote all your efforts to hasten the return of
the ancient friendship which united the two Countries; this accord |
of your sentiments upon that point is to be found altogether natural
in the persuasion in which we both are that the interest of the two
Nations binds together in an intimate and necessary manner the

‘prosperity of one and the other, and in our mutual devotion to the

welfare and honor of our Country. I like to believe that this recon-_
ciliation, for which I will not cease to labour with yet greater zeal

which malevolence and intrigue will not know how to retard, is not

far from its term: and when our desires in this respect shall be ac-
complished it will only remain for me to wish that your Successor
should attach as high a value as yourself to the return of a good
understanding between the two Countries, and that he devotes him-
self with as much zeal, and patriotism as you have done, to the duty
of drawing tighter and tighter those bonds and to perpetuate their
duration for the advantage of the two Nations.

Receive, Sir, the assurances of my regards and of my perfect |
consideration

(Signed) Ch Mau Talleyrand"’

146 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

147 Talleyrand-Périgord, Charles Maurice de, Prince de Bénévent, was born in Paris on
February 13, 1754, and died on May 17, 1838.. He became an abbé and then bishop in 1788.
He was elected to the Estates General of 1789, and was a leader in the Constituent Assembly;
was sent to England as envoy in 1792; forced to leave for the United States in 1794; returned
to Paris in 1796; was Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1797 to 1799: Pordion Na Peo gn

overthrow the government by a coup d’état in 1799; became Minister of ander :
Napoleon in 1799, and held that office until he fell out with Seema | “eon 1809. : helped to
restore the Bourbons in 1814; again became Minister of Foreign Affairs in that year; took a
leading part in the Congress of Vienna; was a leader in the July Revolution of 1830: and was
minister to Great Britain from 1680 to 1834.—Century Dictionary and Cyclopaedia, 1X, 976.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 129

Reply of West Florida General Assembly to Inaugural Address of
Skipwith**8

To his Excellency Fulwer Skipwith, Governor of the State of
Sir

The General Assembly of the State have received with great
satisfaction your address to both Houses on the 29th. Ulto. and
with a determination to pay all due attention to the important sub-
jects recommended for our consideration. Some of those subjects
intimately connected with the public welfare and requiring the im-
mediate exercise of Legislative Authority, have occasioned our
answer to be deferred untill this time, and extraordinary crisis
having occured in which the natural and essential rights of this
State seem to be threatened with destruction by the overwhelming
power of a neighbouring Nation on whose professions of regard
for justice and the laws of Nations, we had relied with implicit con-
fidence, it may not be improper that we should write at this moment
in reciprocating with you some expression of the natural sentiments |
and honest feelings of freemen.

It is but justice to you to declare our full conviction that no
motive of interest or ambition, no foreign attachment or prejudice,
but a firm belief of the justice of our cause, induced you to give
it your early support, and on the most critical and trying occasions,
as well as when called to exercise the office of first Magistrate,
implicitly to obey the call of your Country.— We concur with you,
Sir, in the opinion that our right of self Government will not be
contested wherever the language and doctrines of enlightened
Civilians and writers on the laws of Nations can be heard, notwith-
standing the imperative manner in which we have been called upon
by the President of the United States to consider ourselves subjects.
.of the Government of the Orleans Territory until it be decided by
some Foreign Ministers and great Statesmen to whom we belong.

Our cause is too glorious to be disgraced by fear or submission ;
and altho’ it be the natural wish and expectation of our hearts to
be united on honorable conditions with the Territory of the Govern-
ment which most of us consider as our parent State, yet an uncon-
ditional surrender of ourselves as subjects for future negociation
between that and some other foreign Government, by which it shall

148 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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be decided whether we shall enjoy the rights of freemen or be sur-
rendered as culprits to the arbitrary and corrupt Government
which we have discarded, and that least our Independence might
occasion some difficulty or uncertainty in the execution of the
revenue laws of the United States, are conditions to which we can-
- not submit without dishonor, and such as an American cannot hear
offered to his Brethren without indignation. Even if the President
of the United States should contend for the doctrine that the right
to extend the blessings of his Government to the People of this State
could be purchased by paying a sum of money to the King of
Spain 1*° or to the Emperor of France,’ and that the money was
really paid, yet that right not having been exercised for seven
years, whether on account of a negociation too long delayed or
otherwise, the People too long neglected by such delay have a right
to exercise and enjoy the privilege of self Government, and that
Government having been organized by the common consent of the
People, cannot be subverted without injustice, even if the question
as to original purchase were now decided by “amicable adjust-
ment”— much less when it remains still a matter of doubt whether
any claim was ever acquired in that way.!™!

As the Representatives and Legislators of the State of Florida
we declare our readiness to make provision for an union with the
Territory of New Orleans on fair and honorable conditions as is
allowed by our Constitution, by which means alone the General
Government of those States can acquire a legitimate title to extend
their jurisdiction over us. And on this subject we cordially approve
the sentiments contained in your communication to the President
submitted for the consideration of both Houses on the 6th. Inst.—
But we should betray the trust reposed in us by our Constituents
and dishonor the cause in which they have embarked with us at the
risk of our lives and Fortunes, by a silent acquiescence in the forci-
ble and unqualified manner in which the possession of our Territory

149 At this time Joseph Bonaparte, brother of Napoleon, was of oe, Napoleon had
called Charles IV and his son Ferdinand VII to France so as to e a dispute between them
over the throne. He pensioned Charles and sent him to Italy and kept Ferdinand a prisoner in
southern France. Joseph egg gee was born in Corsica on January 7, 1768, and died in
Florence on June 28, 1844. e was the oldest brother of Napoleon; was a member of the
Council of 500 in 1798; a Councillor of State in 1799; King of Naples in 1806; King of 8S

in 1808; and lived in the United States from 1815 to 1832 under the name of Comte de Sur-
villiers—Oentury Dictionary and Cyclopaedia, TX, 168.

150 Napoleon Bonaparte was born in Oorsica on August 15, 1769, and died at St. Helena
on May 5, 1821. He was the great Emperor of the French and the leader in the European
wars for a generation.—COen Dictionary and Cyclopaedia, TX, 722.

151 On October 27, 1810, Madison issued his proclamation ordering Governor Claiborne to
take omg of West Florida in the name of the United States. The proclamation n by assert-
ing the claim of the United States to this territory under the uisiana treaty.—
Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, I, 465-466; Henry Adams, History of the
United States Under the Ad of James Madison, I, 310-312.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 131

is demanded by that Government— while they do not even guaran-.
tee to us the enjoyment of any of our rights, but reserve to them-
selves the power of transferring us hereafter as slaves to some other
Foreign power— If such measures should be persisted in by our
Government, we declare our readiness to co-operate with you in a
proper resistance to the usurpation of a Nation who in violating
every principle of justice and of their own Constitution, as well as
of the natural ties of consanguinity which unite us with them, com-
pel us to consider them as we do the rest of Mankind enemies in
war in peace friends.

Philemon Thomas?
John
Joseph Thomas?**
Benj’n O. Williams
John Vernon

Benj’n McWaters
Edmund Hawes***
James Neilson’?

C. Terry*®

Dudley Avery,!® Speaker of
the House of Representa-
tives

John W. Leonard’ Presi-
dent pro tem of the Senate

French Minister of Foreign Relations
Letter to F. Skipwith, May 2, 1799.1*
Legislature of Florida’s Address to the same.

152 See footnote 49, above.

158 On November 10, 1810, John Scott and three others were elected to the house of
pre — with the election of one senator, from the “Feliciana district.-—-Arthar,

154 Commandant and alealde Shepherd Brown, in the St. Helena district, heard rumors of
the revolution and became suspicious that de Lassus had been forced to issue permits for holding

ngs because he was not strong enough to forbid it; so he sent one of his trusted lieutenants,
Joseph Thomas, to learn if permits had been extorted from him or if he had issued them
voluntarily. When he learned that the governor had acted voluntarily, he issued a call for a
meeting to elect delegates to the much feared convention.—Arthur, West Florida, 42, 43, 124.

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Smith to Skipwith |
St. Francisville 30th. Nover. 1810

His Excellency Fulwer Skipwith
Sir

I have the honor to enclose you a Return of Ordinance & mili-
tary stores on hand at this Post, shewing such as are fit and unfit

for use, the Quarter Master Stores I have some time since examined,
they are generally in very bad order.

Accept Sir the assurance of my highest regard

Jas. L Smith
Captn Artily

His Excellency Fulwar Skipwith President.
Cap Smith’s Report of Arms &c Nov 30, 1810, St. Francisville
1 Enclo.

Smith’s Report on Military Stores'®

Return of Ordinance & Mily. Stores on hand St. Francisville The 30
Novbr. 1810

155 Benjamin O. Williams was selected as one of the two delegates from St. Helena. He
later had a change of heart and refused to sign the Declaration of Independence on September
26, 1810, along with his friend Bill Cooper. On the day before the taking of the fort at Baton
Rouge he sent in his resignation to John Rhea, stating that the local situation would no longer
permit of his attendance at the convention.—Arthur, West Florida, 43, 118, 124.

166 Edmund Hawes was one of the fourteen who, on July 6, 1810, ed a petition to
send delegates from Baton Rouge to a convention. The committee of “Publick Safety’, com-
posed of John H. Johnson, Edmund Hawes and John W. Leonard, was given power to draft a
constitution while the rest of the convention took a recess.—Arthur, West , 128, 124,

187 James Neilson was appointed, on September 24, 1810, to take stock of the supplies at
Baton Rouge after its capture-—Arthur, West Florida, 110.

158 Border trouble was great along the Florida-Missisisppi Territory line. On August 7,
1804, ruffians seized Champney Terry and two others whom they treated with great indignity,
burning Pintado’s house and cotton gin. Te and Philemon Thomas were the third class
senators in the Legislature.—Cox, West Florida Controversy, 155, 4382.

159 Dudley L. Avery was one of the leaders in West Florida at this time, and was by his
colleagues elected speaker of the house of representatives.—Arthur, West Florida, 128.

160 John West Leonard belonged to a Tory family of New York and Massachusetts. He
moved to New Orleans in 1800, and to St. Helena in 1805. The Spanish thought that he was
loyal, but he was not. He was elected president pro tempore of the first and only senate of
the ‘‘Tom Thumb” Republic, after having been a member of the committee to draft constitu-
tion. He died in 1818.—Arthur, West Florida, 43, 123, 124, 135, 157. ; 3

161 This brief description should perly belong at the end of the preceding letter, which
has no connection directly with the affairs of West Florida. The error may be attributed to the
person who arranged the materials for the files in the Library of Congress.—Editor, Louisiana
Historical Quarterly.

162 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

163 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress. This appears to be the report alluded to in
the preceding letter. |

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810

ww

8 Pounders

Brass 6 Pounders
Four pounders

Three pounders

Two pounders

Swivels

Ibs. Common Powder
Rd Musket Cartridges
Rd Cart fires

Boxes 6 pwer Strap Shott
Boxes musket Balls
Boxes 3 lb Strap Shot
Boxes 34, Grape Shott
Eight Pound Ball

6 Pound Shott

4 Pound Shott

Boxes large Grape
Boxes Small Grape

_ Boxes 6 pound Connection

Boxes 2 pound Do

Boxes One pound Connection
Boxes 4 pound Strap Shott
Boxes 6 pound Strap Shott
Boxes of 4 pound Connection Shott
Boxes of 34, Grape Shott
Boxes of Pound Balls

Boxes of half pound Balls
Six pound ladles & worms
Four Pound ladles & worms
Three pound ladles & worms
34, ladles & worms for Swivels
6 pound reemers & Spunger
4 pound reemers & Spunger
6 pound Scrapers

8 pound Scrapers

34, Swivel Scrapers

Boxes Flints

Coils of Slow Matel

Priming wires

Powder Horns

Note One Brass 6 pounder Mounted One other will be Completed
with its Carriage in two or three days Two other Carriages for

Eight Pounders under way
ISS

Jas. S. Smith Capt Artily & M. Agt

Unfit Fit
: Total | for use | for use , |
4 4
2 2
8 8
6 6
12 2 10 |
800 300 500
2000 | ........ | 2000
90 30 60 |
6 6
43 43
7 7
3 3
1200 200 1000
620 120 500
12 12
3 8
12
| 8
6 6 :
4 4
6 6
8 2 6 4
6
6 q
12
12 12 4
4

Brother’s Report on Quartermaster’s Stores'™

Return of Quarter Master’s Stores now on hand at St. Francisville
this First day of December one thousand eight hundred & Ten.—

Total

Fit
for use

~

1000

~

Bio

12

bo

Foot Adze

Hatchets

Hammers

Gages

Saw Setts

Iron Squares

lbs. Shot Lead

Spades

Shovels

Crow Bars

Hows

Pounds of Steel
Cillinders

Provision Bags

Boxes of Five pound Cartridge Bags
Boxes of Four pound Cartridge Bags
Mattocks

Cross Cut Saws

Whip Saws

Tent Poles

Apron Straps

Plains assorted

Broad axes

Black Smith Tools incomplete
Vices

pr. of Scales & weights
Lanterns

Grind Stones

Mill Stones

Jack Screws

Quires of Cartridge Paper
Pound of Turin

Hand Saw files

Whip Saw files

half round files

Cross cut files

Gouges

Socket Chizzels
Mounting Do |
Framing Ditto

Screw Augers

Powder Cases
Common Tents

Bell Tents

Drawing knives

Pitt Saws

164 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

Unfit
| for use | a |

1 1
3 3

3 3 |
2 2

1 1

yA 2
| 7 7

9 69 0
6 6

2
1 1
|
|
|
| 15 5 10
| 1 1
| 2 2
| 2
2
| 1
| 6
5

7
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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 135

James Brother Qt Master
Qt. Masters return of military Stores at St. Francisville Dec 1, 1810.

Proceedings of Board of Militia Officers'®

Ata meeting of the Officers of the first Batalion of the first
Regiment in the State of Florida at Baton Rouge— on the Ist. De-
cember 1810

Resolved that the present apportionment— Among the Several
Companys in this Batalion for the present Expedition be observed
and Abided by to wit from Capt Lomans Company 30 men from
Capt Davenports 20 men from Capt Chiles’s 20 men & from Capt
McArthurs 20 men, and that it shall be the duty of Each Captain to
arrange his men into four Divisions agreeable to law, & see that his
quota is ready. any Person after being drafted or after Turning
out as a Volunteer or after entering himself as a substitute for
another, who shall attempt to absent himself or leave the Bounds
of the Company shall be reported as, & treated as a Deserter.

Resolved that each Captain shall pay strict attention to raising
his quota of men, & shall order from one Division to another untill
the whole be ordered unless the number be previously raised
Resolved that Capt Garland Chiles list Lieut. James McArthur,
and 2 Lieutenant John Bryan be appointed for the Expedition and
Captn. William Loman Ist. Lieutenant John Ireland, and 2 Lt.
Peter Turlob to Command in the fort or such other Situation as
the proper Authority May direct agreed & signed by the officers
Present}

John Ballenger Lt Colo James McArthur first Lieut
L.H. Haclekel Majr John A. Ireland first lieut.
John Davenport Capt. Elias Russ first Lieut.

Gill Lowman Capt. John Bryan 2 Lieut

John McArthur Capt William Hantey Second

Garland Chiles Capt. Peter Sirlott 2 Lieutenant
Proceedings of a Board of Militia Officers, Dec 1, 1810.

165 West Florida Papers, Library
Florida Oontroversy, passim.

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Baldwin’s Appointment as Naval Agent'*

State of Florida
St. Francisville Decr. 3, 1810

The undersigned, Governor, has the honor to nominate to the
Honorable the Senate of the State, Samuel Baldwin of St. Helena,
to the Offices of Purser & Naval Agent for the Military Arma-
ments which are fitting & may be fitted out, at Springfield & in the

River Chefantez Fulwar Skipwith

Approved December 3rd 1810 John W Leonard President Pro-
tem— Appointment of Saml. Baldwin Navy Agent for ee
Dec. 3, 1810.

Newspaper Item}**

THE GAZETTE.
Printed at No.28, Custom House street, and published at No.33,
Chartres street. |
Tuesday, December 4.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of correct information, dated
Fort Stoddart, Nov. 27, 1810.

We are in the utmost confusion, the country below is almost
evacuated and the town of Mobile is in apprehension of destruc-
tion.

Our citizens have assembled under Col.Kemper and Col. J. P.
Kennedy, below the line. I have not their numbers. |

Every effort to stop them has been used in vain. It is the more
to be regreted, as it is believed confidently by Governor Folch, that
propositions from the Havanna, are now before the executive of the
United States for ceding Florida to the American government.

Orders of Skipwith to Collins and Baldwin'™

| St. Francisville Decr. 4, 1810
To Joseph Collins Esaqr
Sir |
Under cover hereof you will receive your Commission as Cap-
tain & commander of the Naval Forces to be employed in the service
of this Commonwealth.

est rida Papers, rary 0 ongress n a news
item.—Editor, Louisiana Historical rly. 44089
169 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress. |

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 137

In the charge & execution of this important trust it is deemed
necessary at present to direct you to proceed to N. Orleans by the
way of Baton Rouge, Springfield & Chefonte as speedily as pos-
sible— on your way attending to the following objects.

lIst. At the Fort of Baton Rouge you will examine The Howitz-
ers, or Mortars shells said to be there, & to report to the Executive
such of them & such others Articles within that Fort as you may be
of opinion can be employed to advantage in the Naval Expedition
intended to assist in the reduction of the forts of Mobile & Pense-
cola.

2dly. You will then proceed to examine the Vessels retained by
Capt Saml. Baldwin!”® the Navy Agent & Purser of the State at
Springfield & in the River Chefonte.— This Agent you will instruct
to hold at your disposition such of these Vessels as you may judge
suitable for the Expedition under your command.

3dly. You will then proceed with all possible dispatch to New
Orleans, where after conferring with Messrs. Jno. Mills'™' & Chs.
M. Audibert,!"2 the Naval Agent at present of the State for provid-
ing & fitting out Vessels & other articles for the Expedition, you
will select such of them, as you may appear expedient & proper to
be employed, giving the Executive an early statement of the same.

With these Vessels and those at Springfield & Chefonte, when
equipped & with the whole Naval Force together with such military
stores as may be entrusted to your discretion may direct within the
Harbors & waters of this State you will proceed without any un-
necessary delay to the mouth of Dogs River on the Bay of Mobille
or elsewhere as circumstances or (illegible) you there to aid & to
act in cooperation with the Land Forces employed by the State for
the purposes before mentioned.

It is expected that the property of the Individuals not hostile
to the state will be unmolested, but all property of our enemies as
well as of the late Spanish government, will be lawful prizes.

All captures made by water must be sent in for adjudication
to the Civil Authorities which will be established at or near the Fort
of Mobille, or to the said Authorities of Springfield o or the 2
Post on the River Chefonte.

170 Samuel Baldwin was naval agent for West Florida and he gave a hg for $1, 1,000. On
December 8, 1810, he was commanded to take charge of the armament Springfield and on
the Ohifonte river.—Cox, West Florida Controversy, 432, 485.

171 See footnote 68, ‘above

1720, M. Audibert, Besteat Baldwin, and John Mills were naval ts for West Florida;
ss po assured the convention that the Wrench refugees were loyal to the convention and were

when Song it ia Sapa that they favored Napoleon. Audibert was later an agent
Wost 1 a at Orleans.—Cox, West Florida 429, 431, 435.

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138 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

St. Francisville, Decr. 4th, 1810
To Captn. Samuel Baldwin at Springfield—

Sir— You have herewith a commission appointing you as
Purser and Naval agent at Springfield and for the post about to be
established on river Pascagoula, & which the Executive from the
high sense of your patriotism and attachment to the cause of the
State is glad of the opportunity of affording.

In a few days after receiving this Captn. Joseph Collins ap-
pointed to the command of the Naval forces of this State will visit
the vessels engaged by you in the service of the State for the object
of selecting those which may be fit for the expedition under his
command; such others as may be unfit for this service you will
discharge, or get rid of in such way as you may judge proper the
least prejudicially to the interest of the State.

(Signed) Fulwar Skipwith

Orders of Skipwith to Collins and Johnson}

The Govn. &c.
To Benjn. Collins Captne. Com’ ant of the Troops B.R.
Sir

You are required immediately on receipt hereof to march the
whole of the Troops under Your Command (to) the Plantation of
Stuart on the Redwood except Invalids & 25 effective men, to be
detailed under the Command of the Bearer of this, Lt. Johnson, to
whom you will resign the command of the post of Baton Rouge.
You will not fail to reach the said plantation of John Stuart by
the 8th Inst. when you will receive further orders from Col. Wil-
liam Kirkland, whom you will consider as your Commanding of-
ficer, until otherwise directed. :

Lieut. Charles Johnson
Sir

You will immediately repair to the post of Baton Rouge and
take the command of the Troops that will be transferred to you by
Capt. B. Collins, and also take charge of all the public stores &
prisoners at & within that post which you will occupy until paeriner
orders.

Orders to Capt Collins Dec 4, 1810.
178 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 139

Extract from West Florida Senate Journal'™*

Extract from the Journal of the Senate—

Agreeable to the Eighth section of the first Article of the Consti-
tution the Senate proceeded to class themselves by lot the Secre-
tary being Appointed to draw for the absent Member from Mobile.

The Lot came out as follows—
District of Mobile - —1st Class

John Lf Leonard
Class
John Rhea
Thomas
Class
Terry
By order of the Senate

John Rhea President

The Undersigned President of the Senate hereby Certifies, that no
writ has issued for the election of Senator or Representatives for
the District of Mobile—Decr. 4th 1810

John Rhea
Extract from the Journal of the Senate, Dec 4, 1810

Mills and Audibert to Skipwith!™

His Excellency Fulwar Skipwith
Sir

In Expectation to Receive your answer to the different letters
we had the power to write you, we have exerted all our faculties
_ to proceed to our mission; but we are Stopped Short, by our penu-
ry; we have Made Several propositions, they Should have been
accepted, if we should have money, having none we cannot proceed.

We want immediately a Credit of 3000—dollars to Equip mann
& Bounty to 150 men for the two Schooners we can Bargain for, &
necessaries Small expenses of detail, to the armament of these
Vessels & for this Effect we must have in hand Several Commis-

174 West Florida Papers, Library ¥ Congress.
175 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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140 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

‘sions for these & other Vessels to engage if possible to Cooperate
to Clear the Lake & protect our Cosways &c.

We want an authorization to have the Commissions Printed
on Double Sheet one for the Commission the other for the List of
the Crew, or to have them Writen 6 in Number Signed, & if to be
Printed Blank Signed to be filled According to these Given by the
forcing Powers in the Similar cases.

The lake is full of Spanish vessels who go & come Continually
to land provisions for mobile & pensacola, these we could take &
Repay us of all expenses & Serve to Victuall our army were we
Should Send one under Convoy. Many Vessels are expected from
Mobile & Pensacola with Sums of money of this we are informed
with Certitude. these Could be intercepted without any Danger
with an armed Schooner, but having no money we Cannot proceed.

We have Received no letters from the Government, no official
letters, we suspect that your letters if any have been intercepted
this we believe & are full of anxiety, about; express is the Safest
& Speedest way to convey our dispatches.

We are with Respect
Your most humble & obedient Servants,

John Mills
C. M. Audibert

P. S. The express must be paid by the Government We have
taken two Schooners for the service of the Navy, but it is neces-
sary & without loss of time that the Guns & Swivels should be sent
to the mouth of the Amitt River and there have Small Military
Post for Guard.

We have the honor to Remitt you here annexed a Paper, copies
of the Commissions & orders Jointly, which is necessary that our
Captains Should have before Sailing for River Amitt where we
expect to find our arms & ammunitions 500 fuses, Cartridge Boxes
for our Men, Landmen, & Seamen, who may be of the expedition
having all Made war Several years on land & the Seas.

If we could have Commanded Cash all the expedition should
be under Sails We Expect to Receive an answer from Your Ex-
cellency to this letter by an express; Post office is here we Suspect
very dangerous English & Spanish influence & money is to be

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 141

Dreaded for our Correspondence this is to Warn you for your
own Government
We have the honor to be with great Respect of Your Excellency
Your most obedient & very Hble. Servants |
John Mills
C. M. Audibert
P.S. No News from Mrs. Skipwith

List of Spanish Maratime forces—

List of Spanish Vessels &c.
La Favorite 12 guns 4 Pounders & one 8 pdr
La Comite 12 guns & 1, 8 Pndr
La Cativocel Small armed vessel with Cavonnades
La Louisiane 10 guns, &c
Several gun boats of 18 & 24- Pounders—
the french Privateers Men Know that; & proposed to Board these &
answer to take them; but they must have two good Schooners & we
cannot go on our armaments without Credit & means to make
Cash— |
Pascagoula is taken by Kemper on his way to Mobile & the

Spanish did not wait for him he evacuated the Place taking his
twelve pounders with him, he retired on lone Island

His Excellency Fulwar Skipwith
Governor of West Florida St. Francisville

John Mills & C. M. Audibert to F. Skipwith, Dec. 4, 1810.

Skipwith to Madison'™
State of Florida, St. Francisville
Decr 5, 1810
To the President of the United States

Sir

As a Citizen of this State employed in an Office of high politi-
cal trust, & as an Individual whose attachment to the interests and
glory of the United States your personal knowledge of me, it is
believed, will leave no room to doubt, I take the liberty to address

476 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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142 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

you directly, & in this informal manner on subjects not uninterest-
ing to your Government, while they are of the deepest concern &
solicitude to the People of this State.

On the Journals of the late Convention of this State, I have
perused with some uneasiness, the correspondence of that Body
with Govr. Holmes!” & the Secrety. of State,!* in as much as I
feel apprehensive of the wishes, objects & views, of the People
whose Chief Magistrate I am, not having been so distinctly & con-
sistently expressed, as the better information of the American
Government may require, or as a more regular order of things
among us here, & our just rights do actually prescribe. }

You have, doubtless, found some difficulty in reconciling our
Declaration of Independence with the claim which we have urged
of protection by the American Government, as an integral part of
their Territory— That seeming inconsistency proceeded as I believe,
from a solicitude in the minds of the Members of the Convention,!”®
at a moment when they found themselves betrayed by a Spanish
officer, on whose promises they had so far relied, as to enter into

177 David Holmes. (March 10, 1770-August 20, 1832) was born in Pennsylvania; reared
in Virginia; educated at the academy at Winchester, Virginia; and after studying law and being
admitted to the bar, he was prosecuting attorney for Rockingham county from 17938 to 1797.
He was elected to Congress in 1797, and then re-elected five es; and at the expiration of his
sixth term, in 1809, he was appointed governor of Mississippi Territory by Madison, and served
by successive appointments until Mississippi became a state. He was called upon to use courage,
discretion, and tact against the Spanish and the Indians. He had to restrain the people of his
territory from going over to help the people of West Florida against Spain. At the —— time
he cooperated with Governor W. C. C. Claiborne in occupying the district of Baton uge, and
in 1812 he cooperated in the annexation of Mobile to the United States. He had great responsi-
bilities in the Creek War and in the War of 1812. He was president of the Mississippi constitu-
tional convention in 1817; was governor of Mississippi from 1817 to January, 1820, when he
declined to run for re-election; was president of the board of trustees of Jefferson College; was
United States Senator from Mississippi from August, 1820, to September 18, 1825, when he
retired from the Senate, after having been again elected governor that year. He took his seat
in January, 1826, but ill health forced him to retire in July of the same year. He returned to
Winchester, Virginia, where for five years he suffered with paralysis. He was never married.—

nary of American Biography, , 162-163.

178 Robert Smith was born in 1757; graduated at Princeton in 1781; took part in the
Revolution; studied law after the close of the war, and began to practice in Baltimore. He was
state senator in 1793; served in the state house of representatives from 1796 to 1800; and
served in the upper chamber of the council of Baltimore from 1798 to 1801. He was
of the Navy from January 26, 1802, to 1805; was then appointed Attorney General, but as
Jacob Crowinshield did not qualify as Secretary of the Navy, Smith continued to act in that
capacity. He was Secretary of State from 1809 to November 25, 1811; declined to become
chief judge of the district of Baltimore, chancellor of Maryland, and minister to Russia in 1811.
He was president of the Baltimore branch of the American Bible Society in 1813; was made

resident of the Maryland Agricultural Society in 1818; became provost of the University of
1813; and died on November 26, 1842.—National of American Biogra-

178 The ey of West Florida had an intention of annexation to the United States from
the first, and an address to this effect was sent to the American government just after the
declaration of independence. On October 10, 1810, Rhea sent a long letter to the government
of the United States appealing to the President for protection and annexation to the Union; and
for a loan of $100,000 to be paid from the sale of public land in three, six, and nine years.
September 26, 1810, he sent Governor Holmes a copy of the declaration of independence, to be
forwarded to the President of the United States, and appealed to the United States for protec-
tion. This declaration was a rather unique document. It said that they had remained loyal as
long as the Spanish government gave them protection; said they had taken certain steps in
forming a government to protect themselves; and declared themselves free from Spain.—Cox,
West Florida Controversy, 347, 352; Arthur, West Florida, 122-123; American State Papers,
Foreign Relations, (1807-1815), III, 395-396.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 143

a compromise with him, on such terms as left it in his power to
sacrifice them & their Supporters, whenever he should have ob-
tained a force sufficient to over awe the timid & wavering part of
the Community.1®

The state of the Country, required some reform in the mode
of administering justice, & defence & safety of the People, and the
Convention had acted with good faith, & upright intentions, in es-
tablishing certain ordinances for that purpose. It was, therefore,
in the firm persuasion of being supported by the Body of the Peo-
ple, that, they adopted the resolution to assert the Independence of
the Country at a moment, when treachery & every malignant pas-
sion, were employed to accomplish their ruin.

In this expectation, the Convention were not disappointed;
their Friends have been even more numerous & Zealous, than they
expected, and from the first moment when the resolution of Inde-
pendence was formed, the idea of union, in some way with the
United States, suggested itself as the only sure & natural hope for
the future safety & prosperity of the Country ;—Their declaration
of Independence was, therefore, immediately followed by an ad-
dress to the American Government, claiming their protection by
every argument which could be suggested, as having any influence
to procure a favorable decision.—The hope is still fondly cherished
by the People of this State, a large majority of them being Ameri-
cans, that, this Union may be effected in a manner consistent with
the interest and policy of the United States, as well as with the
safety, honor, & happiness of this Commonwealth; and it is con-
fidently expected that the American Government, taking no advan-
tage of any expression which might be interpreted into a concession
on our part, that, the Country really belongs to them, will treat us
on fair & honorable conditions.

In the communication to the Secretary of State of the 10th of
October, it is submitted to the American Government either to
receive us immediately into the Union as an Independent State, as
a Territory of the U. S. with permission to establish our own form

180 On February 8, 1810, Secretary of State Robert Smith, in compliance with a resolution

of Congress, of January 22, 1810, reported that in 1801 and 1802 the President had tried to
rocure the free navigation of the Mobile, but since the Louisiana Purchase the United States

had claimed West Florida as a part of that purchase; but Spain objected and the United States
minister at Madrid was instructed to insist on the free navigation of the Mobile under the
general principle of the laws of nations. The governor of Orleans Territory and others had
tried to prevent the collection of duties, but Spain collected twelve per cent on all — either
pour or manufactured in the United States, which were conveyed through this river to and
the city of New Orleans.—American State Papers, Foreign Relations, (1807- 1815), III,

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144 ~- The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

of Government, or to unite us with one of the neighbouring Terri-
tories, or a part of one of them, in such manner as to form a State.

This Commonwealth, it is presumed, will still accede to any
arrangement, which may accord with the views & wishes of the
American Government, in conformity with either of the plans be-
fore stated ;—But it is proper to suggest, that, if it be determined
to unite us with any part of the Territory now belonging to the
United States it might be most advantageous to the general Gov-
ernment, as well as for us, that we should be united with the
Territory of Orleans; as this arrangement would give to the new
State so formed a majority of American over the French Popula-
tion.

All the other conditions stated in the communication of the
Convention to the Secrety of State, of the 10th of October, it is
hoped will meet the concurrence & approbation of the American
Government, & as the Military operations in which we are now
engaged, for the objects of reducing the Forts of Mobille & Pen-
sacola, are necessarily attended with a very considerable expence,
it is especially desirable, that, the loan solicited by the Convention
should not be delayed.— It is confidently expected that with the
aid of that loan, all the Spanish Forces within our limits can be
subdued by our own Troops, unless they can be reinforced from
abroad, of which there is little probability ;— But should such re-
inforcements arrive, be them from whence they may, it is as con-
fidently hoped, that, the Forces of the United States in this quarter
will be instructed at the request of the Government, & in co-opera-
tion with the Forces of this State to repel them.

It has not been considered expedient to send on the Agent
mentioned in the communication from the Convention to the
Secret’y of State, untill the sentiments of the Executive of the
United States on that head shall be known.— Should he think
proper to appoint one, or more persons, as Commissioners, already
in the Neighbourhood of this State, it is conceived that all the
objects of such a mission might be accomplished in a manner more
prompt, & equally advantageous to the Parties—

I beg you, Sir, to accept the assurances, truely sincere, of my
high respect & attachment.
Fulwar Skipwith

Fulwar Skipwith to the Presd. of the U. S. Dec. 5, 1810.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 145

Skipwith to Ballinger®™
St. Francisville, Decr. 5th, 1810—
Col. John Ballinger—

Sir—

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 3d Inst. and to assure you of the satisfaction which your Zeal
and exertions to promote the public Service affords— The Com-
missions for the officers of the first regiment of infantry have
been forwarded to you by Leut Johnston, and as the service may
require some articles of cloathing for the regular troops which
cannot be procured by any other means at this moment, it may be
necessary to have recourse to impressment to obtain the necessary
supplies— You are therefore hereby authorized to exercise that
authority at and in the neighborhood of Baton Rouge as your dis- |
cretion and judgment may direct, but in such a manner as may
give the least possible distress to the individuals whose property
may be impressed, and in all cases the same to be estimated by two
disinterested persons, and to receipt to the owners of them for the
estimated value in the name of this Commonwealth—

By intelligence received from New Orleans, the prospect of
cooperation by water seems flattering—

I am Sir respectfully yours &c—

Fulwar Skipwith
Govr., Commander in Chief

State of Florida
Lieut. Colo. John Ballinger
Baton Rouge
Capt. Collins
Audibert to Skipwith'**
Private letter.
Thursday Xber6 1810
Monsieur

Vous Verre per notre lettre particuliere que nous Sommes tien
en barrisse’s quant-aux fonds, lepapier del’Etat de lafloride n’est

181 West Fiorida Papers, Library of Congress..
182 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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146 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

ni fait ni Connu, & ne peut avoir, de Credit que lorsque |’Etate
Sara cequis doit étre unjour, tranquil & effermi; L’argent, est in
une Marchandise qui se Vend a 2, & 3 pts parmois.

Jecrois que pour le Saluct dela Chose publique quil faut faire
un emprunt de 20 va 30 Mille piastres pour Payer l’urgence, des
Batiseures & des Avances aux Equipages, des Artilleries, Bom-
bardies

The men all require 10 or 20 Dollars before to go; & Some
advance must be made to them if we do not Receive any money
from the Government we must Buy goods at six months Term on
Credit & Sell them at Public auction it will be a loss to the Publis
of 12 or 15 per Cent but it is better to make a Sacrifice than to let
the Army have Cause to Suffer & perhaps endanger it, for Want —
of a few thousand dollars; Ships, men, arms cannot be provided
with paper, and war cannot be made without money, this you
know well.

Send to River Amitt,1** Powder Guns twelve Pounders &
Swivels for our two Schooners & the other Vessels you may send
to the Mouth of the Amitt River must be our arsenal; there is not
time to loose not to delay the armements what have already suf-
fered by our Penury.

I have the honor to be with great Respect
Sir Your most obedient & very Humble servnt
C. M. Audibert
To Fulwar Skipwith.
Private Letter
C. M. Audibert to F. Skipwith (Private) Dec 6, 1810.

Mills and Audibert to Skipwith'*

According to our Instructions We have engaged Several per-
sons to arm and Equip Vessels at their own Expence, but we are
not furnished with private Commissions for Privateers, we Beg
you would send Six As Soon as possible, open a Port for the Cap-
tures; they are (the Captains &c)—apprised that they shall be
Subjected to the Laws of the U. S.— Some have demanded that
amunition Should be provided for them, as advance to be repaid

183 The Amite River rises in Mississippi and flows almost parallel with the Mississippi River,
until it empties into Lake Maurepas.
184 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 147

by the Sales of the Captures. Powder, Balls, Guns & Shots, should
be Sent to The Arsenal at the mouth of River Amitt, if there is
none, one Must be immediately Stablished for the use of our Navy
& Auxiliary army we Think to have a Certain Number of Soldiers
proper for Storming forts having made war on the Seas & Land
forces 12 & 15 yeares
John Mills

N. O. D’ber 7—1810. C. M. Audibert

His Excellency Fulwar Skipwith
St. Francisville Bayou Sarah

John Mills & C. M. Audibert to Fulwar Skipwith, Dec. 7, 1810.
1 Enclosure.}*5

Skipwith to Madison*** ‘

Baton Rouge, Decr. 9, 1810

To the President of the United States
Sir
To the President of the United States
Sir
The letter accompanying this had been intended, as you will
perceive, as an informal Communication from me, but the sudden
& menacing appearance of Govr. Claiborne’*’ at the head of a con-
siderable military force on the borders of this State, & the extra-
ordinary steps adopted by him, through the agency of Emissaries
privately desseminated through the Country, addressing themselves
to the discontented & disaffected, & endeavouring to inspire the
Patriots of this Country with distrust against their Government,
induced the Executive on the morning of the 6th. Inst., to lay that
letter together with the information received by him concerning
one of those Emissaries, before the Legislature of this State, in
order to shew that he had lost no time in preparing for the Consid-
eration of the Executive of the United States, the sentiments, views,
& objects of the Inhabitants of this Country towards them— The
185 The inclosure was a model blank commission in French to be filled in by Mills and
ry enon ts wanted six to ten of these sent by a safe person.—West Florida Papers, Library
Claiborne to go to Mississippi and consult
with Governor Holmes about taking over West Florida. He reached Washington, Mississippi
Territory, on December 1, 1810, and two days later had copies of Madison’s proclamation printed

and circulated. Claiborne was to go down the river, and Holmes went to St. Francisville.
oe a fight Baton Rouge was given up, and soon all of West Florida was under the United

West Florida Controversy, 490-505.

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148 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

contents of that letter were unanimously approved by both
Branches of the G’] Assembly ; but feeling with the Executive much
dissatisfaction at the harsh & hostile conduct of Gov’r Claiborne,

the Senate were invited & did enter into a resolve, a Copy of which
is enclosed, which induced the Executive to nominate Mr. Johnson
to wait on the Governor, with the instructions, a copy of which is
also enclosed— Considering that the whole of these papers when
perused together contain matter & facts of sufficient importance
to be made Known to the Executive, as well as the Congress of the
United States during their present Session, I beg leave to submit
them to you, Sirs, as public documents of high public Concern, &
worthy their notice, as also a copy of the Answer of the General
Assembly of this State to the Speech of the er at the Com-
mencement of their Session.

The Copy enclosed of the private instructions from Gov’r Clai-
borne to one of his Agents, it is believed will justify the character
already attached by the patriot Americans engaged in the support
of our cause, as well as by the Constituted Authority of this State,
to the objects and tendency of so harsh and dangerous a mission.
—Fortunately the Patriot Americans of this Country were in a
state of guard & defiance, or both the Tomahawk and dagger, from
the number of Indians, Slaves, & Assassins among & around us,
might have been raised against our bosoms.

If by accepting the chief Executive of this State, from no
other motive than to contribute with the other Branches of this
Government to the maintenance of peace & order within, to shake
off the Spanish yoke, & to return to the bosom of my parent Coun-
try with honor, as a part of the Territory of Orleans, & in such
way as would furnish to the United States a fair & legitimate title
to the Territory of this State, I have offended, or violated the laws
-of that Country; it is to these laws that I shall, if required, be
ready to offer my life in attonement, but with the General Assem-
bly, & with the virtuous & brave among the native Americans of
this State, who venerate the principles of civil liberty, & know that
they do not deserve dishonor, I shall continue with them by all
means in my power, & in the language of Freemen, to repel the
wanton outrage offered to our feelings, & to assert the rights of
my adopted Country.

Fulwar Skipwith to the President of the United States, Dec: 9,
1810.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 149

Skipwith to Claiborne'*®

| Baton Rouge, Decr 10, 1810

Sir

With the inhabitants of this country I unite with sentiments
of unexceeded joy and self felicitation in being taken into the
bosom of my parent country,'*® as a part of the Territory of Or-
leans, altho under circumstances which I cannot at this moment
reconcile with my ideas of honor, justice, and sound policy on the
part of the Government under whose orders you act— Placed, how-
ever, as I have been without deserving or soliciting that honor as
the Chief Executive Officer of this State, and under the firm per-
suasion that a surrender of this Territory by the constituted Au-
thorities thereof as an independent State is the only mode by which
the United States can acquire an unqualified and legal title to the
possession thereof; my duty and sense of honor imperiously de-
mand, that I should at this crisis, produced by your entering among
us with an armed force, which the people of this Country are unable
to resist solemnly protest against any outrage which may be com-

188 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

18® On October 27, 1810, Madison issued his proclamation claiming the land in West Florida
to the Perdido River under the Louisiana Purchase treaty of April 30, 1803. He said that at
all times it had been considered as part of the United States; that the United States had left it
in the hands of Spain not because she distrusted her title to it, but trusted to friendly negotia-
tions to gain possession of the territory; that satisfaction had been too long delayed; that a
crisis had arisen and a failure of the United States to take possession of the territory might lead
to serious difficulties in admitting the territory ; that Congress had considered the taking over bs
the land; and had passed acts for taking it into the United States. He issued his
that the United States was taking the land, and delegated W. C. C. Claiborne, Governor of the
Territory of Orleans, to which the territory would be annexed, to take possession of it; and
asked all the ple of West Florida to be loyal to the United States, and guaranteed them
protection liberty, property, and religion. On December 22, 1810, Morier wrote Smith
tor an explanation of the reasons why the United States took over West Florida. In behalf of
Great Britain he protested against the act. On December 2, 1810, Folch had sent to McKee a
copy of a letter he had sent to the President, so that he might send it to the President in protest
of the act. On January 3, 1811, the President sent to Congress a letter from Governor Folch of
West eager to the Secretary of State, one from him to John McKee, one from the British
chargé to the Secretary of State, and a copy of the answer to the British official. He said that
it was evident that the chargé had not communicated with his ngewe and on the matter; that
England had not communicated direct to the United States on the matter; had not mentioned
any stipulation with Spain contemplating an in tion with Spain which might affect the

United gy that Spain had ae called on Great Britain to fulfil her engagement; but yet he~

thought the scope and spirit of the document and its force should be considered. Madison
recommended to Congress a declaration that the United States could not see the land east of the
- Perdido or any part of it from the hands of Spain to any foreign power, without serious
inquietude, e recommended to Congress that it give him power to take possession of this
territory temporarily and to govern the same. He also recommended a determination of how far
it might be expedient to provide for the subversion of the Spanish authority in the terri or
on apprehended occupancy by any other foreign power. He also sent to Congress a letter
Louis nis to the Captain General of Caracas about the matter. On July 2, 1811, Foster,
the British minister to the United States, wrote Monroe of the Spanish protest, and he also
strongly protested against the aggression of the United States. On July 8, 1811, Monroe replied
to Foster’s letter, saying that the United States would not permit Great Britain to intervene;
that the land in West Florida to the Perdido was included in the Louisiana ane Seventeen, Oona
had not been able to preserve order in West Florida since 1805; and that Spain had co tted
many depredations on American commerce. The protests all came too late, and Europe was in
~ condition to force the United States to withdraw. The President had acted with lightning

like speed. On October 27, 1810, he had written Claiborne to take possession of West Florida,
and had enclosed a copy of his proclamation. On November 15, 1810, Smith had written Holmes
that the United States had purchased West Florida and it belonged to them.—Richardson,
Messages and Papers of the Presidents, I, 465, 473; American State Papers, Foreign Relations,
(1807-1815), III, 394-400, 542-543, 548.

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150 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

mitted by your order on the Flag which has been erected by the
authorities of the Country, and on the rights of the Citizens as de-
fined by the Constitution, which the people have adopted, and
which my oath and the duties of my station require that I should
respect, and support— As a native of the United States whose life
has been spent in their services and whose heart can never be
alienated from them, I can never sign an order to the patriot
Americans now in the Fort of Baton Rouge, which can occasion
the loss of one drop of American blood; I have therefore ordered
that the Flag of the Fort of Baton Rouge shall not be disgraced
by their own hands, but should you insist on taking it down, they
will consider themselves at liberty to retire, while the forces under
your command shall not be resisted by force from entering that
Fort— Colonel Ballenger and the Officers under his command now
in the service of this State being native Americans, and men of
honor, are recommended to you as worthy of confidence in any
situation in which you may want their services—

My honor and humanity also induces me to suggest that, tho
your instructions may not authorize you to acknowledge, or treat
with the existing authorities of this Country, yet, that, the same
motives existing in your breast will induce you to say to Mr. Hickey
the bearer of this, whether the deserters from the American Army
protected by the late Spanish Government, and who form a part of
the Garrison at Baton Rouge, will enjoy an amnesty under the
American Government— Those men oe been enlisted into
Service by the late Convention—

I have the honor to be Sirs,

Your Mo: Ob: Servt.

His Exeele’y Wm. C. C. Claiborne Fulwar Skipwith
Governor of the Territory of Orleans

F. Skipwith to C. C. Claiborne Dec: 10, 1810.

Mills and Audibert to Skipwith’

N. Orleans 10th. Xber. 1810.
His Excellency Fulwar Skipwith Governor of West Florida
Sir
We have had the honor to write to your Excellency several
letters of which we did not keep the copies; Since our arrival in

190 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 151

this town we have had no official account of your Election, but by
the papers, our Powers ought be Renewed with Latitude to act
according to urgency; as these of the Convention in the mean time
we'll act for the best for the Services we were sent for.

We have demanded of your Excellency, several letters of Mar-
que to use ’em with Secrecy to intercept the provisions &c. Sent
from here by the Spanish Consul, to Mobile & Pensacola; 200
Mulatoes & free people of Color 12 or 14 days ago departed this
town for Mobile in large Pirogues, if we had Commissions we
Should have Captured Several. Vessels, near the other side of the
lake in our waters according to laws of Nations & we should have
sent them to Springfield or Amitt River for the Service of our
Army. Pray send us 6 or More letters of Marque. We are in want
of money to go on, our Paper Cannot be negotiated for money, but
for goods. Yet these could be sold at Public Vendue at a loss of 15
p Ct. & we Could then arm our Vessels & cooperate with our Army
which may want our Service for provisions &c.— the Armanent
of two Schooners of 16 or 18 Guns will Cost 50 thousand dollars
we Cannot clear the Coast of Spanish Vessels without Such force
& to protect our Convoys of Arms, Provisions &c. for our Army
without Such a force which you will Judge by Spanish Naval forces
now in Mobile & its waters.

We Expect your Excellency will for this pressing urgency pro-
cure us a Credit at some Commercial house, Send a Sum adequate
to the purpose to Arm our two Schooners in the Bayou, the Two 18
Gun Vessels & give the necessary equipment to our Men to the Num-
ber of 150, Seamen Artillery Men & Marines &c.

Mr. Duncan! has not been able to procure us a Cent on the
State Paper Authorise us to name or Chuse a Second agent we
designed Mr. Macdonow’*? as the proper one by his great credit on
this place, but we have not had your answer in Virtue of our Powers

191 See footnotes 82 and 95, above.
192 John McDonogh was born in Baltimore on December 29, 1779, and died in MecDonogh-
ville, Louisiana, on October 26, 1850. He received an academic education; entered business in

Baltimore at the age of seventeen ; but moved to New Orleans in 1800, where he became wealthy

in the commission and shipping ‘business. He took in the battle of New Orleans; was .
defeated for the United States Senate in 1818; decided to free his slaves about 1822, but
required each one to purchase himself for a moderate sum; paid each slave for his services so
that he could do this; gave an education to those who desired it; and after freedom he sent ship
loads of his slaves to Africa for seventeen years at his own expense. In 1830 he was vice-
president of the American Colonization Society, to which organization he contributed liberally ;
and at his death he left most of his fortune of about $2,000,000 for the establishment of free
schools in New Orleans and Baltimore. After great loss and litigation 800 acres were pure

near Baltimore, to be used for training seventy boys annually in English and in practical and
scientific farming. In New Orleans the principal was invested in the McDonogh schools which
were operated in connection with the city schools. He also left bequests to the American Col-
onization Society and the New Orleans Boys’ Orphan ite .—Appleton’s Cyclopaedia of Ameri-
can Biography, 106.

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152 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

from the Convention as Navy agents, we are going to Deliver 3 or
4 orders (letters of marque) to Some of our Seamen in 3 or 4
Pirogues to intercept the Provision Vessels under Spanish Colours
ready to Sail and order them to Conduct the Said Prises to Spring-
field or Amitt River & these Coming from Pensacola & Mobile
under Spanish coulours to conduct them to the Said Rivers to be
Sold or Sent to our army according to your directions.

We have certain information that Mr. Kemper is encamped
with 50 Men between Mobile & Pensacola and that Folch is gone
with 100 Men to attack him that Gover. has received 20 thousand
dollars from Havana, but men, they could not Send him any.

John Mills & C.M. Audibert to Fulwar Skipwith, Dec: 10, 1810.

Mills and Audibert to Skipwith

His Excellency Fulwar Skipwith Governor of West Florida
Sir

We have Received the honor of your letter of the 9th. of this
month in consequence we have of your Orders we have suspended
our function; we are now taking the Bills of expenses, to the two
Schooners we had bought; the Seller Being unwilling to take them
back, we shall be obliged to give the State paper to pay them & for
the cordage, Ropes &c. we expected funds, which we promised, but
Since the new events of the unforseen attack of our Natural friend
or the impolitical attack of the Government of the U. St. not a Cent
Cannot be obtained, we are at a loss how to pay.

Mr. Baldwin of Buckters the Navy agent had Drawn $500—
We Could not Pay—
We expect that we may be provided to acquit the Different
Bills. |
We have the honor with great Respect Sir
Your most obedient & very Humble Servants

John Mills
N. Orleans C.M. Audibert
the 14th. of December 1810 | |

If I cannot be of service, by remaining here, it is my wish to return
home— John Mills |

John Mills & C. M. Audibert to Fulwar Skipwith, Dec: 14, 1810.

193 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

The West Florida Revolution of 1810 153

Kemper to Rhea”

| Fort Stoddert 16th December 1810
Gentlemen

On the 13th the Presidents Proclamation reached us the morn- |
ing following Col. Sparks sent an officer express to Governor Folch
The officer returned this afternoon with a reply to Col Sparks that
the Fort could not be given up. In consequence of which I have
dispatched messengers through the Saint Stephens!
and the upper settlements, to invite all those of our Citizens to join
our standard forthwith there will be a small force which will come —
here in the morning at day light and join others just below the
lines where they will wait further orders I set out at the same time
for Pascagola settlements to Hurry them on to our support thence I
shall meet the Baton Rouge army and advise the concentrating the
whole forces at or near Mobille Major Orso? of Mobille will con-
duct our small force for the Present in whom there is great Reliance
my unfitment in this fort and Judge Toulman is to be thanked for
the misfortunes that have befallen us John Nicholson’ Esqr
with whom I communicate freely will advise you every thing as
I had not time he promised to transmit to your body coppys of
every thing which you have not already in your Possession I have
no Knowledge of your intention whatever as I have not Recd a word
since Mills left me except when Mr N informs me verbally

Respectfully Your Obedient Servent
Reuben Kemper

As the Representative of your Government I must have official
Information and instructions under Present circumstances before I
can Know how to act

John Rhea Esqr President of the Convention
St Franciscille— W Florida—

Reuben Kemper to Convention of West Florida, Dec: 16, 1810.

194 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress :

196 The Tensas (or Tensaw) is an offtake or bayou of the Alabama river, which flows
serene = the Mobile river and empties into Mobile Bay.—Century Dictionary and Oyclopae-

19¢ St. Stephens was on the Tom river, about fifty miles above Mobile. Fort Stoddert
was just above the northern boundary line of Florida, on the Mobile river.

*7 In the spring of 1810, the people in the vicinity of Fort Stoddert the Mobile
Society, whose purpose was to capture Mobile, plunder the establishment of Fo and Company
and commit other excesses in that neighborhood. Joseph Pulaski Kennedy was head of it and
Zenon Orso, a resident of Mobile, was a partner. Perez, the commander at Mobile, had obtained
a partial confession from the latter and also a letter from Kennedy inviting Orso to join it.
He promised to meet Orso at the home of Powell. Orso and Powell were arrested, and the
Later Orso gathered a small force near Mobile to meet

ennedy, so that they could take Mobile before the United States took over West Florida.—Cox,
West Controversy, 440, 441, 447, 511.
198 John Nicholson was a lieutenant of Kennedy. He boasted that the lone star flag would
be hoisted in Mobile before that of the United States—OCox, West Florida Oontroversy, 511.

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Nicholson to Rhea’

Fort Stoddert 17 Decr 1810
Gentlemen

Since my last communication by Mr Oneal nothing very strange
or new has taken place except the reception of the Presidents
proclamation which caused great joy among the honest people of
this place that is to say those interested in our well fare for you
must know there is a party here to wit Judge Toulmin his son in
law Cap Gaines?°° & a few others whom we term torries by way of
distinction— Col Sparks?! an amiable old officer & favourable to
our views sent an express with a proclamation enclosed to our
friend Don Vincent Folch informing him of the orders &c to take
possession of the Country or rather to be in readiness to take it his
Excellency returned as short an answer as that of Pallafex to the
French “I cannot deliver over the Country” it was expected his
Excellency would cheerfully give it up and thereby prevent the
further effusion of Blood but entre nous I am no ways displeased —
with his answer for we may now have an oppy of a fight & the
cowardly Dons deserve a little harassing for their base & infamous
manour mentioned in my last letter it appears they were in num-
ber 140 headed by.Folch in mopria province & being pitched in our
Camp by an old traitorous villain who by the bye Col Kemper has
ordered to be taken & held in confinement as a slight punishment
for his treachery took our party by surprise in number not more
than 22 butchered some & barbarously treated others which they
took prisoners yes for this dastardly business I hope we may be
revenged and retaliate for the deathes of those brave but unfortun-
ate men lossed in a noble cause that of Liberty and Independence
these Dons have refused to obey the call of the Proclamation & I
think we will be justified in taking a pull at them— a few of the

199 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

200 Edmund Pendleton ¢ Gaines was born in Virginia on March 20, wae Fay died in New
Orleans on June 6, 1849. He became second lieutenant on January 10, 1799; first lieutenant
in April, 1802; spent years on the frontier; arrested Burr in 1807; became pet Then of the port
of Mobile in 1805; became captain in 1807; resigned about 1811 to study law; but returned to
the army and became a major on March 24, 1812. He was made colonel in 1818; adjutant
general and colonel later the same year; brigadier- general on March 9, 1814; breveted major-
general for bravery at Fort Erie; was commissioned to treat with the Creeks in 1816; commander
of the Southwest military district in 1817; and was in desperate straits when General Jackson
joined him against the Indians. He was wounded in the inole War in 1836; proceeded to
raise troops for the Mexican War before he was ordered to do so, but the court martial was
mh re of his past record and popularity.—aA ppleton’s Cyclopaedia of American Biogra-
pry,

201 As early as 1804 Captain Sparks was about Fort Stoddert. He had a difficult time in
that section with the filibusters, outlaws, and the Mobile Society. The Spanish forced —
people at Mobile to pay duties, which caused him much trouble; and the demagogues ca
trouble there.—Cox, West Florida Controversy, 166, 442-445, 449, ‘451, 462, 463, 468, 471, aon.
494, 509, 512, 515, 588.

Lad

The West Florida Revolution of 1810 155

party who made their escape were ordered on to Pascagola to join
Maj Dupree & obey his orders on their march they encountered on
the Night of 13th fifty Spaniards commanded by Lt. Canado who
were burning the property of suspected people fired upon them &
retreated some small distance after which they detached two of
their men to discover whether they could pass on with safety who
found them continuing their depredations these two made a second
fire upon them which so much frightened the poor Dons who dread-
ing a reinforcement had come to our aid beat a retreat & moved
off towards Mobille by a quick step so that these mighty courageous
Spaniards were completely routed by a large force of two men—
the enclosed Communications from & to Col Kemper will shew you
how matters & affairs stand Kemper left this early this morning
to meet the army from your place to expedite their march so that
we may yet have the satisfaction of receiving the U S with open
arms & joining the one Star with the many we will not hesitate as
his Excellency Don Folch who it appears must go through a number
of formalities such as sending to the Havana & the Lord knows
where else before he can deliver up the country or Fort for a hold,
but that place our Flag flies in every other quarter

Gentlemen adieu— it will not be long ere we hail the Godess of
Liberty as the protectress of our rights civil & personal—
Yours truly
Jno Nicholson
P S I have just this moment heard from Col Sparks that our pri-
_goners are treated infamously cruel by the Spaniards. They are

kept in the stocks exposed to all weathers without the necessary
subsistance— J. N.—

John Rhea Esq President of the Convention
St. Francisville West Florida

Jno: Nicholson to Convention of West Florida, Dec: 17, 1810.

Kemper to Rhea?”

Fort Stoddert 20 Decr. 1810

“Gentlemen |
I have nothing new to communicate I can only reiterate my
many complaints of being left entirely without information or in-

202 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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156 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

structions from your body God only Knows the cause I should
believe that a confidential agent was intitled to some respect but not
a word has been Received by me and I am left altogether in the dark
as it respects your intentions or indeed as to any other subject
which might guide my conduct This neglect I must say is unpardon-
able if I am considered any longer the Representive of your body I
think the least that ought to be done is to write me officially under
the present circumstances how to act if not inform me so this I ask
of Right John Nicholason Esqr the bearer of this and with whom I
have communicated freely & fully as to every transaction of my
Mission, will be able to say more on the subject and inform your
body relating to every thing Interesting

With Respect Yours Truly
Reuben Kemper

John Rhea Esar President of the Convention
John Nicholason Baton Rouge

Reuben Kemper to Convention of West Florida, Dec: 20, 1810.

Skipwith to Graham? |
Montesano, near Baton Rouge, Decr. 23, 1810

Jno. Graham?” Esaqr.
Chief Clerk to the Department of State, City of Washington |

Dear Sir

I had the pleasure three days ago to receive your favor of the
15th. Ult: I had flattered myself with some expectation of receiv-
ing, from either you, or Genl. Mason? much sooner, a hint in
confidence, of the course which individually, you might wish to see
the Patriotic Americans take in their struggle to throw of the
Spanish yoke; but in this I have been disappointed, & for reasons,

203 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

204 John Graham was born in Virginia in 1774, and died in Washington on August 6, 1820.
He was graduated at Columbia in 1790; moved to Kentucky, where he served in the state legis-
lature; went to New Orleans as secretary of the Territory of Orleans; went to Spain as secretary
to the American legation; and was chief clerk to Madison while he was President. In 1818
he was sent with a commission to Buenos Aires to obtain political information; Congress had
his elaborate report printed after his return; he went as minister to the court of Portugal, then
resident at Rio de Janeiro; a break of his health due to the tropical climate forced him to
return, and he died soon after his return to the United States.—Appleton’s Oyclopaedia of
American Biography, II, 703.

295 General John Mason in Virginia, John Graham in the State Department, and Thomas
Bolling Robertson in New Orleans were intermediaries for Skipwith with the American ao
ment. Pd . a to say just how effective their support was.—Cox, West Florida
versy,

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 157

doubtless satisfactory to yourselves— You mention having recd.
from me but one letter; I wrote you two if not three.

Setting aside the harsh, not to say hostile, means & manner
employed by Govr. Claiborne in entering & possessing himself of
this Country by surprise, the union of us, had it been with any
Territory of the U.S. has filled every real American with joy.— It
is an event which, besides adding much value to my little property,
has redeemed me personally from that high but perilous & painful
situation, in which the People of Florida had placed me— but I am
not the less apprehensive of its being seen, that the Cabinet of
Washington would have acquired a more honorable & legitimate
title to this Country, in favor of the U.S. by first acknowledging, &
then receiving from us, as had been solicited, a surrender of our
Independence, than has been done by virtue of the Presidents pro-
clamation.— God grant that I may be deceived & that one or more,
of the European Powers whom this matter may concern may be in-
duced, contrary to their policy & doctrines whilst I was at Paris, to
declare & maintain that, W. Florida was included in the late Cession

of Louisiana :— A further subject of apprehension and regret with

me is that Govr. Claiborne at receiving, as he did, at Fort Adams
an exact history of the state of things here, did not wait a Fort-
night untill our little army, which had commenced their march,
had invested the Fort of Mobile. I hope he has not acted unwisely
in falling on us as he has done with the rapidity of Wild Pidgeons
at this season of the year.— By investing the Fort at Mobille, as
we certainly should have done in one fortnight more, we should
have compelled Govr. Folke (to avoid us white Indians as we are
called by the Dons) to offer an unqualified & unconditional sur-
render of pinicles & Fort, to the Naval Forces of the U.S. which
were then at Orleans on their way thither.

It is justice to Govr. Claiborne to say that since we have sur-
rendered, nearly at discretion, to his victorious & all conquering
arms, he has treated us with more magnanimity; he has to me been
courteous & kind, & so far in this District of Baton Rouge, he has
generally selected from among our Patriot Americans, Individuals
to fill the little offices among us which the time & his authority
over us for the present, have authorized him to name. I may with
truth say that those Patriot Americans will be found in case of
Invasion from any European Power, as much disposed to protect &
defend the honor & Independence of the U.S., as ever will be the

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158 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

numerous & respectable class of Frenchmen & French Canadians,
who without yet speaking the English language, inhabit principally
the borders of the Mississippi down to the Sea Coast.

F. Skipwith to Jno. Graham Dec: 23, 1810.

Address of Skipwith to the People of West Florida?®

TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE STATE OF FLORIDA |
FELLOW CITIZENS,

The cause in which we have engaged, shews that the baneful
influence of a despotic government, has not extended so far as to
render us insensible of our ‘natural rights, or to deprive us of the
resolution necessary to assert and maintain them. It was honor-
able for the people of Florida, to have remained loyal to the sov-
ereign, whose protection they enjoyed without any condition, de-
grading or oppressive, so long as he could be considered to have
a crown or kingdom, subject to his controul, or any power to pro-
tect his people. Various causes contributed during that period, to
ameliorate the condition of the inhabitants of Florida, insomuch,
that the distinctive features of an arbitrary government were but
seldom discerned. But since the kingdom has been abandoned by
its sovereign, the officers pretending to derive their authority from
him, have endeavoured to establish a tyranny over the people, equal-
ly oppressive and unauthorized, and being unawed by the appre-
hension of ever being rendered accountable for their conduct, they
began to prey upon those whom it was their duty to protect, while
still they asserted the right of exercising authority over them.

Justice instead of being impartially administered, was pervert-
ed by the influence of passion, prejudice or interest; crimes of the
most atrocious nature were suffered to go unpunished, unless at
every stage, the prosecution was supported by large advances of
money. The respectable and virtuous inhabitants were prohibited,
in most instances, from making establishments in the country,
while protection was never denied to the worthless and depraved.
In fine, the lives and property of the people exposed to violence and
danger, from within and without, were left unprotected, while they
were not even allowed the use of the arms which they had provided
for their defence.

206 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress. Broadside. —

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 159

A government administered in that manner, by officers who
had neither the right, or the power to oppress the people, was soon
discovered to be tyrannical and oppressive, and with a promptitude
and resolution honorable to ourselves, we have broken the chains
which were attempted to be fastened upon us; we have disclaimed
the authority which was exercised, without regard for the public
welfare, and have instituted a government on such principles as
will secure our most essential rights. A change has been effected
with little expence, highly favorable to the general prosperity of
the country, and to the happiness and security of every individual.
The honest and industrious emigrants from foreign countries, no
longer excluded from a land so productive, and a climate so inviting,
will soon make establishments among us, increasing the value of
our property, and adding to the riches and strength of our state.
It will no longer be in the power of petty tyrants to give us law
according to their caprice, or interested views; justice shall no
longer be sold; nor shall the rapacious plunderer of the people be
protected, by dividing with the officers of government the spoils
which he has made upon the property of the peaceable inhabitants.
No, fellow citizens, your legislators shall be men of your own
choice, equally with yourself, amenable to the laws and every offi-
cer of every department, shall be responsible for his conduct to the
people, for whose benefit the government is established.

To secure these important blessings to ourselves, and to our
posterity, some further exertions are necessary ; some few sacrifices
are yet to be made, and I am persuaded there are but few among us
whose hearts will not rejoice at finding an opportunity to con-
tribute to the support of so good a cause. There are but few, if
any, so depraved, that they do not love their country, or so stupid
as to withhold a small and temporary offering, for the attainment
of great and permanent advantages.

That we may participate equally, in proportion to our abilities,
in what yet remains to be done to secure our independence, it will
be the care of the legislature to provide by law, for an equitable
system of taxation. Those officers lately in power, who would
have enriched themselves by demanding exorbitant contributions
from the inhabitants, by turns, have endeavored to render any
legal system of taxation odious to the people, because they knew
that a just and free government will not be supported by any other
means. We may be assured then, that all who are enemies to such

a system of taxation, are enemies to their country, and wish to see _

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160 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

it enslaved; but the artifice of tyrants, it is presumed, will be un-
availing among a people who are informed of the true principles of
civil liberty ; who know that certain rights must be delegated to the
government by each individual, and a certain proportion of his
wealth contributed for its support, that he may be made secure in
the possession and enjoyment of the rest.

No doubt is therefore, entertained of the general disposition of
the inhabitants to comply with the reasonable requisitions of the
government now established, or of the ultimate success in subduing
any force which may be found under the command of pretended
agents or officers, of that depotism which we have discarded.

The people may be assured, that no formidable force can be
brought into opposition to us; and that to have a free and indepen-
dent government, we have only to persevere in the resolution to
support it. Let it not be said, that our numbers are too few, and
our physical force too inconsiderable; the resources of our country
are sufficient for our present exigencies, and our riches and
strength will increase in proportion to our wants.

Your representatives having called me to exercise the office
of first magistrate, and my conduct being at all times subject to
investigation, it will be my care to exercise the laws with firmness
and impartiality. I undertake this task, however, with the firm
persuasion, that your candour will be exercised to the proper extent
in the scrutiny of my conduct, and that your aid will be given with
cheerfulness on all occasions, when the public safety may require it.

Fulwar Skipwith.
St. Francisville, December 23rd,?% 1810.
Natchez, (M.T.)— Printed by John W. Winn & Co.

Naval Order and Commission?
Orders No. 1.

Army of the Republic of West Florida.

Quarter General of Baton Rouge the ————— 1810 F.S. Governor
General Commander in chief, making function of President of the

207 This date appears to be in error by one month. Skipwith was elected Governor on
November 20, 1810, and delivered his address to the Genera Assembly on. November 29th.
Internal evidence seems to show that this ‘“‘Address to the Inhabitants” should be dated ‘‘Novem-
ber 23, 1810”, as the contents do not seem to reflect any of the changed conditions that had
come about by December 23rd.—Editor, Louisiana Historical Quarterly.

208 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 161

Said Republic, to Mr Commander of the Schooner of the
Republic it is ordered to be the Captain of the Schooner —————— to
Sail immediately for River Amitt to Receive there the orders and
Instructions which Shall be given to you to concur with the land
forces, to the Conquest and Capture of the ennemies of our Republic

The Government Signed FS—
(SEAL)
of West Florida.

We Want 6 Orders.
No. 1— Commission

Army of the Republic of West Florida

Quarter General of Baton Rouge the —— Xber. 1810.

We F. S. Governor General Commander in Chief Doing Functions
of President of the Said Republic

Ordaining Captn. to take Command of the Schooner of
the Republic the actually in this Port & River Amitt,
to Cooperate conjointly with the forces of the Said Republic which
are besieging Mobile &c.—

The Government FS.
(SEAL)

of West Florida

We want 6 Commissions—

Orders to the Navy Officers Commandg. Vessels.

Writ of Election?™

(1810 Dec. 7?)
To Joseph E. Johnson?’ Esqr Sheriff of the Jurisdiction of Baton
Rouge
Sir,

It has become necessary to have an election in the District of
New Feliciana for two Representatives in the General assembly of
this State to supply the place of John H. Johnson?" and Lewellyn

209 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.
210 Joseph Eugenius Johnson backed the convention and was later sheriff of New Feliciana.
—Arthur, West Florida, 59, 89.

211 John H. Johnson was active in the calling of the convention in West Plorida; was sent
from Baton Rouge to take command at Bayou Sara; was a member of the committee of safety,
of the executive committee, and a senator; led the attack on Baton Rouge on September 23,
1810; was manager for Skipwith; and took an active part in annexing West Florida to the
United States.—Cox, West Florida Controversy, 324, 338, 365, 393, 397, 403, 421, 428, 432, 450.

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162 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

GC. Griffith?!2 Esqrs resigned, you will therefore give public notice
to the Electors of the Said District without delay that they may
attend at the Lower plantation of the late Alexander Sterling?’* on
the 17th day of this present month to give their votes for the said
representatives, and also give notice to Bryan McDermott*** and
John Scott?!5 Esqrs that they attend at the said time and place as
Judges of the said Election. You will also be then there present to
assist the said Judges as their Clerk, and you will deliver to each
of the persons elected a certificate of his election signed by the said -
judges & attested by you, informing them at the same time at what
_ place the General assembly may be convened.

St. Francisville Decr. 1810
The Governor, Commander in chief of the Military Forces of the
State of Florida—
To Colonel William Kirkland?"
Writ of Election in Feliciana.

Skipwith to Graham (?)***

Montesano, Jany. 14, 1811

Dear Sir

I have had the pleasure to receive from you a second letter
dated the 6th. Ulto.— that of the 15th. of Novr. I answered, but
have kept no copy, nor indeed of my two preceeding letters of
which you make mention— I thank you for the Presidents message
with other documents annexed, some of which, & that particularly
from Mr. Secty. Smith to Govr. Holmes, I have not seen.

If notwithstanding the subversion by force &, apparently stig-
matizing the authority of the late order of things in this quarter

312 Captain Lewellyn Colville Griffith helped Major Isaac Johnson organize the ‘Baton
Rouge Horse’’ and marched with them to Baton Rouge on September 22, 1810. He took a lead-
ing part in the revolution; was elected to the house of representatives from Feliciana on Novem-
ber 10, 1810; and commanded the mounted volunteer rangers of Feliciana at the Battle of New
Orleans on December 20, 1814.—Arthur, West Florida, 102, 105, 111, 119, 128.

218 Alexander Sterling established Egypt plantation on Alexander's Creek. His farm passed
to his son Lewis in 1808, at the father’s death. In 1804 the Kemper brothers forced Alcalde
Alexander Sterling to use the militia against them. The plantation was ten miles from the

' Mississippi and fifteen miles below the line of demarcation. On this plantation, in July, 1810,

500 -_ - Feliciana assembled and all except eleven voted for a convention.—Arthur, West
; Cox West Florida Controversy, 152, 340.

214 set McDermott became a civil commandant on September 29, 1810.—Cox, West
Florida Controversy, 308.

215 John Scott was elected a representative from Feliciana on November 10, 1810.—Arthur,
West Florida, 128.

216 This line was written upside down on the other end of the page.

217 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

Internal evidence indicates that this letter was written to John Graham, chief clerk in the
Department of State-—Editor, Louisiana Historical Quarterly.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 163

with disgrace, by the Executive of the U. S. the most absolute
acquiescence on my part, and a determination to comport myself as
a dutiful & peaceable Citizen, so long as I shall not be called on to
defend either my life or, my honor, should be deemed as “manifest-
ing the most entire confidence in our Government, & this for the
object of hastening the admission of this Territory into the Union
as a Sovereign State”; you may rest persuaded, that, such is the
course which I have prescribed to myself & which, I shall continue
to recommend to those who may choose to consult me.

Yet as some incidents connected with my late official conduct,
& produced by the means & mode adopted by Gr. Claiborne, for
carrying into effect the Proclamation & Instructions of the Presi-
dent, have, I find, at the commencement been misrepresented by
that Governor, & may, therefore, have been more or less misrepre-
sented with you, I shall take the liberty to enter into explanations
with a hope of satisfying the Cabinet, through you, that no motive,
or sentiment, hostile to them, or to their measures, could have
influenced my conduct.

It was unfortunate for the sensibilities of the Executive and
of the Members individually of the quondam Legislature of our
quondam State, that, they should receive the first information &,
therefore their first impressions, of the approach of Gr. Claiborne
& his Troops, by a knowledge of the fact of two secret Agents, from
him circulating through our Country, evincing distrust, by avoid-
ing them & distributing in that manner, the Proclamation of the
President.— The one, Mr. King,”** was sent to Baton Rouge, and
_ was there arrested & imprisoned by the officer commanding that
Fort but released on the arrival & by order, of the Executives. His
instructions from Gr. Claiborne I have, & enclosed you have a copy
of them for the object of shewing that, the Executive, as well as
the Legislative, had a right to suppose themselves insulted, if not,
signalized as Culprits, & this at a moment when rumour had not
ceased to threaten them with the dagger of the Spaniard, & the

Tomahawk of the Savage.— The other agent Mr. Rt Joymet pro-

ceeded to scour accidentaly met with a Gentlemans house at St.
Francisville, & it is true, was followed the day after by Gr. Holmes
a Gentleman much esteemed by the Patriot Americans embarked

218Qn December 1, 1810, Claiborne, after hurrying from Washington by land, reached
Washington, Mississippi Territory, and became active in taking over West Florida. Audley L.
Osborne was sent to St. Francisville and King was sent to Baton Rouge with the President's
Hoe grange oe Ballenger, believing the papers a forgery, threw King in prison, but Skipwith
him released in a short time.—Arthur, West Florida, 133, 139.

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164 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

in support of our Revolution; but the morning previous to the ap-
pearance of Governor Holmes the Legislature deliberating on the
subject of Govr. Claibornes menacing approach determined to pro-
ceed the same day to Baton Rouge & had come to the resolutions
which, formed the basis of the Executives instructions to the agent
deputed by him to wait on that Govr.;— a copy of these instruc-
tions, it is presumed, have been forwarded to the President— Gr.
Holmes it is to be remarked did not find himself at liberty to visit
either the Executive, or any of the Members of the Legislature :—
The Executive waited on him, but except an honest expression of
sensibility towards us personally & of confidence in the purity or
principle received little more than advice to submit to the measures
about to be enforced by Gr. Claiborne who he added he believed
had no authority to offer, or prescribe, any thing else to us than in
conformity to the Presidents proclamation.

In this state of painful anxiety & alarm for their Characters
& conduct, the executive, with the Legislature adjourned proceeded
or rather retreated to the Fort of Baton Rouge to which place they
had come to a resolution to adjourn some days before the knowledge
of the Presidents proclamation had transpired.— In this state of
mind the Members of the Legislature, & the Executive, were dis-
posed sooner to perish under the falling Star of Florida, than to
acquiesce in the sacrifice of any of their Supporters, not excepting
the Deserters from the Army of the U.S.— It was also under these
impressions, that, the Legislature, while Gr. Claiborne was moving
down with his Forces against the Fort of Baton Rouge, framed &
signed the address to the Executive, of which likewise a copy is
enclosed, not to be rendered public by you, & which I hope will be
buried in oblivion by me, since having returned to the bosom of my
Parent Country with a heart, as truly as ever, American, &, I trust,
we think the imputation of dishonor, I have no wish, was this docu-
ment susceptible of it, to cast the slightest censure on the Admin-
istration, or, to give room to ill natured unmeritted assertions
against highly meritorious Body the Legislature of the State of
Florida. that with regard to myself as an Individual, I recd. from
him assurances that it was his intention to invite a conference with
me, had I remained at St. Francisville, for the purpose of concert-
ing the manner the most conciliatory, consistant with his instruc-
tions of carrying into effect the objects of his mission. Nor am I
permitted to distrust the sincerity of these professions, when I
recollect, that, & as some four months back he had written, or to

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 165

suppose that they could not have accorded with the sentiments of
the President to his friend Colo. Wykoff,?!® a neighbour of mine,
from the House of the President urging him to mount his horse, if
necessary, to travel among & stimulate the Inhabitants of Florida
to declare themselves Independent; & that he Govr. C——ne or the
Government, I am not certain which, would defray the expenses.
I receive no news paper; I see few politically informed men; I dis-
trust my own ideas of things; otherwise I would conclude that both
Govr. C——ne & the President both highly delighted at seeing us
led on & that the President, tho pre-determined to occupy this
Country, after we should subvert the Spanish Authorities yet felt
some embarrasment in doing it, according to the principles invoked
by the Convention in September last, of the Country being by virtue
of the Treaty of 1803, a part of the Cession of Louisiana.

In fact, putting all odds and ends together, I am disposed to
hope that our Cabinet will less than the chaste Intelligencer?”° and
the Intelligencer less than the unchaste Aurora,””! affect to consider
any portion of the Patriot Americans who supported the recent
change here as Burrites, as unprincipled land Speculators, or as
intriguing with the British Government.— The Aurora the chart-
ered vehicle of party misrepresentation, should begin rather to
affect a little modesty— Mr. Duane,?”” the Editor as accustomed
as he is to sacrifice innocent Individuals, from motives of party

219 William Wykoff, Jr., was a member of the executive council of Orleans Territory and a
trusted agent and friend of. Claiborne. From Washington, in July, 1810, Claiborne wrote him
what the United States desired to see happen in West Florida.—UCox, West Florida Controversy,
330, 332, 338, 342, 551, 577.
320 Joseph Gales was born in England, April 10, 1786, and died in Washington, July
21, 1860. He was educated in the University of North © arolina; learned printing in
Philadelphia; and became associated with Samuel Harrison Smith in editing the Independent
Gazetteer, which was moved to Washington in 1800 and called the National Intelligencer. In
1810 he became sole publisher of this journal; in 1812 he formed a partnership with his
brother-in-law, William Winston Seaton, and on January 1, 1813, yt changed the tri-
weekly to a daily. It suspended publication in 1869 after the death of both partners.
1812 to 1820 they were the sole reporters in Congress, one in the Senate and the other
in the House, but after the latter date they employed assistance. In 1814 the press was
wrecked by the British because the paper supported the war.—Appleton’s clopedia of
American Biography, Il, 575.
221 Benjamin Franklin Bache (August 12, 1769-September 10, 1798) accompanied his
grandfather, Benjamin Franklin, to France; was educated in France and at Geneva; learned
rinting in France; returned to the United States in 1785; studied at the College of
Philadelphia and in 1790 started the General Advertiser, which soon after was called the
This organ bitterly attacked the administration of Washington and Adams, and
= agg > = of the ablest and most influential journals of the time.—Appleton’s Cyclopedia of

Amegican Biogra raphy, I, 126-12
222 William Duane was born in New York in 1760, and died in Philadelphia on oo
24, 1835. He was educated in Ireland where he learned printing; went to India in 1784
where he edited The World; he amassed much property; became involved in a political
controversy: was kidnapped and taken to England; his property was confiscated; he often
titioned Parliament and the East India Company for redress; and became the editor of
General Advertiser, which later merged with the London Times. He came to the United
States in 1795, and soon became the editor of the Aurora in Philadelphia which was the
organ of the Jeffersonian Republican party. Jefferson attributed his election to the support
of this paper. Duane was made a lieutenant-colonel in July, 1805; was colonel and adjutant
general in the War of 1812; retired from the editorship of the Aurora in 1822; traveled
in South America; wrote about his trip, as well as books on military affairs; and was
pointed prothonotary of the supreme court of wom SN —" position he held until
his death.—Appleton’s Oyclopexdia of American Biography, I .

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166 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

malice, by administering the poison of calumny & detraction, should |
not have propagated a falsehood so gross, as to rank me, while
acting as one of the Associate Judges under the compromise made
with Gr. Delassus, “among the great unprincipled Speculators in
the Lands of Florida’’, and to add how curious it would be to see me
sitting on a Bench to try a land case &c.— But why should my re-
pose be disturbed by the libertine abuse of Mr. Duane who knows—
I never did purchase nor do I own directly, or indirectly, one foot of
Land in Florida, except the Tract of 1300 acres on which I reside,
& which is a part of one of the oldest, & never disputed Grants, in
the Country.— I do own, as I believe you Know, a fourth part of
an ancient Grant on the Ouachita in Louisiana, Known in the name
of the Marquis of Maison Rouge, & on a footing as legitimate &
fair, as the President holds his Lands in the County of Orange; but
infortunately for me Mr. Danl. Clark,??* so hateful to Mr. Duane,
if not to other influential Personages of the times owns one other
_ fourth part; otherwise it would be impossible to conceive how after
a lapse of seven years the Titles to the whole Tract, notwithstanding
the existence of so many Boards of Land Commissioners, should
still be passing through the ordeals of doubts & suspicion; in-so-
much that Mr. Secrety Gallatin??* told me when I was last at the
City of Washington, that, I ought to desire to see our Government
take forcible possession of this Land, for that in this case I might
hope to see my Title settled by a supreme judicial decision. The .
Titles of the Marquis Maison Rouge I do not hesitate to affirm
would: then be found as perfect as the Titles to any one Tract of
Land in the Territory of Orleans. |

It is to be regretted that the names of all the great Land
Speculators together, whether the Patrons or the Enemies of the
late President to inlist the opposition of Congress should Contribute
to liberal & prompt system of deciding on the claims generally West
of the Mississippi.— Justice to Individuals & the best interests of

*28 Daniel Clark was associated-with James Wilkinson as early as 1798 in the Southwest,
— was ae 7 to induce settlers to move from Natchez into West Florida.—Cox, West Florida
roversy,

224 Albert Gallatin was born in Geneva, Switzerland, on January 29, 1761, and died
in New York on August 12, 1849. He graduated at the University of Geneva in 1779; came
to the United States in 1780; served in the Revolution; was elected to the United States
Senate, but was ruled ineligible on account of not having been a citizen of the United States
for nine years; and later served in the Pennsylvania legislature and in the House of
Representatives of.the United States. From May, 1801, to February, 1814, he served as
Secretary of the Treasury; was one of the peace commissioners to negotiate the Treaty of
Ghent; was minister to France from 1815 to 1823; declined a place in the Cabinet and
the nomination for the Vice-Presidency; became minister to Great Britain in 1826: was
president of the National Bank of New York from 1831 to 1839; and was engaged in
in other business enterprises.—Appleton’s Cyclopedia of American Biography,

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 167

the U. S. in this quarter have but too long demanded a contrary
policy.— It is high time that our Land Commissioners should cease
to be held up, in terrorem, not to decide on the titles to Land exceed-
ing a certain quantity. It is to be regretted that an effectual policy
-has not been adopted both on the subject of Land claims, & for the
encouragement & introduction of native Citizens of the U. S. into
the Territory especially of Orleans.— We should not then have
looked for Incendiaries, Emissaries, & Privateering People from
other Spanish or French Islands to people our Country because
long ere this the Territory would have become not only an indepen-
dent, but truly American State exhibiting, in lieu of anti American
principles, habits, & language, a Government and people proud of
the name of Americans, but devoted to the Constitution & union
of the U.S. Greatly as I admire the bravery & military atchieve-
ments of the French Nation I must permit myself to remark & with

it inleadg censure on the Frenchmen that they as well as (illegible)
and French Descendants, inhabiting this Territory; & concern
themselves less about the principles of what we call civil liberty &
the rights of the People, than the Inhabitants of any other Country;
and that notwithstanding professions to Govr. C——ne the Ameri-
can, they look on the French, Government, so infinitely better suited
to the permanent Government of man, & the French Nation trans-
cendantly above all other Nations in bravery, civilization, & science,
that ask through his Confession for he will not condescend to agree
with an American on points so self evident in his judgment & I
suspect you will scarcely find one of them, who would not pronounce
in favor of the correctness of my position.— Of European French-
men a few Merchants excepted, & some of the Literati, cultivate
any other language than their own.—

On the border of the Mississippi, Frenchmen, even French
Creoles, who have lived since the conquest of Canada under either
English, Spanish, or American Government, have preferred rather
to learn the Choctaw, than, the English language. Will it be denied
then, but a people living so long under a Government speaking the
English language, who will not learn that language, who have not
yet for the sake of novelty, that, I can perceive, imbibed one Ameri-
can custom, principle, or, thought & who have not yet learned the
use of Mr. Jeffersons plough,?”> do not, cannot, in reality, feel at-

225 As early as 1788 Jefferson entered upon some speculations concerning the improvement
of plows and tried to sketch an original and uniform mathematical rule for shaping the
mould-boards of R smate'e, so as to reduce the friction to a minimum. The Philosophical Society
of Paris voted him a gold medal for inventing a plow of least resistance. In 1835 William
C. Rives, the United States minister to France, had exhibited to him “The Prize Plough of

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168 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

tached to our form of Government?— and yet I have read in some
of our libertine vehicles of designing misrepresentation, & dare
say you have heard, as well as myself, from the lips of native
Americans, adopted by the French, & who have a-la-mode dishes
dressed by Imperial Cooks, that, the French Inhabitants of this
Territory, if not American Citizens, par excellence et exclusive, will,
be found foremost in the American ranks, to repel invasion, to de-
fend our Independence, & to support the Constitution of the United
States.— To repel invasion from either the English, or Spaniards,
at the present moment, no doubt, they would be alongside of Ameri-
cans in the ranks, but I would as soon suspect the Jews of raising
the standard of rebellion at the approach of the Messiah, as that
Frenchman would oppose the Imperial Eagle, when resting on the
shoulders of 20,000 French Grenadeers.— I respect too much their
inalienable loyalty to believe it. :
I find I have digressed widely, from the objects of this by
letting Mr. Duanes malevelence divert me from putting a close to
my narrative relative to our Revolution in miniature and myself,
as, connected with it. I will therefore return to that subject, but
not without expressing the high sense derived by me from an obser-
vation expressed in your letter, that, “the Territorial Government
of this Country has but few friends with you, & will be readily
given up, as soon as it is believed it can be done with safety”.— The
addition of this part of the Territory must lead to an early accomp-
lishment of that object &, I hope, will serve to invigorate principles
satisfactory to the general Government, and cement us, I trust, to
the everlasting Union of the States—

The declaration of our Independence, I had no desire to see
made, not because I consider the People of Florida as Citizens be-
longing, or in any wise owing allegiance, to the United States, &
had not a right, in their situation, to provide, if they could, for their
own self Government, but because, I reflected, that, at a particular,
& the most delicate crisis, with respect to the Patriot Americans
here, in September last, the Convention, through Gr. Holmes, had
solicited in the most unqualified manner of the President to be im-
mediately added to the Territory of Orleans, as an integral part of
the U. S. & that in lieu of facilitating that event, as it has done,

Jefferson”. The object of his formula was to secure the regular inversion of a certain
depth of the surface soil with ‘the least application of force. By 1796 his new plows were
in use in this country, and in 1798 at the request of Sir John Sinclair a model and
description of the plow was sent to England. It also attracted attention in France, and
in 1808 the Agricultural Society of Paris went him a new model plow, and later the same
year he sent to the Agricultural Society of the Seine one of his plows.—OCorrespondence of
Thomas Jefferson, (Memorial Edition) x1. i, 413; XII, xxiv, 89; XIX, vii.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 169

I was really apprehensive least it might embarrass the President, &
especially should foreign Power or intrigue, sanctioning the Inde-
pendence of the other Spanish Colonies, attempt to approve & sup-
port the Independence of Florida, whether we wished it, or not, for
the pretext of going to war, or eventually involving the United
States into war.— Rejoiced as I am, as a Citizen, of being received
into the bosom of the United States, I cannot say, I must confess;
that I feel the force of a sentiment expressed in the Proclamation
of the President.— Allowing it to be true, what I am afraid other
Cabinets will not find to be the fact, that, the Inhabitants of Florida
were ceded to the U.S. by the Treaty of 1803; “a recognition too
long delayed’, leaving those inhabitants 7 years excluded from
participating in the rights guaranteed by that Treaty, & moreover
under the Spanish yoke, I suspect gave to them the right of at least
declaring themselves independent of the United States:— But the
reverse, it will not be questioned, was the ultimate object of every
native American who encouraged & supported our declaration of
Independence :— I justify it, as you have seen by my Speech to the
Legislature, because, perhaps sillily, I conceived it presented to the
United States the most solid ground for an incumbered ‘& honorable
title, & because tho’ one of the children of so unprotected & helpless
a mother, I thought I might perish in my infancy with such a
Mother, yet I consoled myself with the hope that our cause could
not be dishonored hereafter in the estimation of the American Peo-
ple, if as I really dreaded we had been left to our own fate by the
American Administration.

It is no more than justice to myself, also, to assure you, that
personally I preferred all risks, whatever, to counselling or commit-
ting an act, while in, or out of office, which, I suppose, might tend
to induce any Foreign Cabinet to see, or suspect, that our Govern-
ment either fomented, or supported, innovation or Revolution
against the late Spanish Authorities, or, surely when I accepted the
office of chief magistrate I would not have been opposed to employ-
ing in the mission to which he had been appointed by the Conven-
tion, so zealous, so active, & so brave an agent, as Mr. Kemper,
neither would I have been opposed to enlisting Citizens of the U.S.
generally from above the line; nor should I have declared not only
to the World, but to our Enemies that we had not received so much
as a “look of complaisance” from our Parent Country.

In alluding to the circumstance of the Executive at that time
of Florida, deputing a person to wait on Govr. Claiborne with cer-

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170 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

tain demands, according to a resolution of the Legislature, I omitted
to mention that the same Deputy had been furnished with the Copy
of a Letter which that Executive had written, & was about to for-
ward to the President of the United States, but which letter, from
what cause I am at a loss to imagine, Govr. Claiborne has since ©
assured me was not submitted to him.— The latter being by me I
enclose it. |

And now, my Friend, it is time to apologize to you for so long
&, perhaps, so tedious a narrative.— Receive, then, my last con-
fessions as to the real motives which led me to embark in support
of, & to become an actor in, the recent changes & events of this
delightful and interesting little Country of Florida, with probably
a few remarks by the way, not touching me personally, & I will hope
forever to remain silent, with respect to the principles & views
which have governed me, & also with respect to the rise, progress,
~& decline of the Revolution & declaration of Independence o
Florida.

To retrieve something of the remnant of my Fortune involved
in this Country by the follies & mismanagement of a Brother in law,
was the sole inducement to me settle here.— Tho’ fortunate in find-
ing in the late Governor, Mr. Delassus, a disposition friendly &
favorable to my Establishment, yet I found it impossible to obtain ©
the legal right of residence.— None but Citizens of the U. States
Known, to have taken refuge from, to be hostile to our Government
could acquire that right— The compromise made with that Gov-
ernor, I may say with the Patriot Americans generally in this
quarter, I was sincere in approving and supporting, because at that
period I had no reason to hope, or expect that our Administration
would support, or rather, would not have aided that Governor in
checking a Revolution of greater extent;— otherwise I should not
have accepted the office of Associate Judge.— I did not desert the
compromise, untill I believed it intended by the Spanish Govern-
- ment as an expedient to gain time, & as a snare to envelope the
principal Authors of it— The Revolution which succeeded, when
called to the office of chief magistrate I supported, because the
Patriot Americans of this Country chose to declare their Inde-
pendence, to which, in my judgment they were as morally &
legitimately entitled as any People on the Globe who ever did assert
Themselves free and independent, but more especially because I
knew that the sole object of those Patriots in proclaiming that
Declaration was to procure to the United States an honorable pre-

=.
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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 171

text in receiving us into their bosom with a surrender of our Sov-
ereign Rights.— The office of Governor, I accepted, not from mo-
tives of vanity or ambition, but because People in this quarter of
all descriptions appeared to wish it, & because sensible of the im-
minent danger at that time of anarchy and confusion, I hoped,
with the aid of Doctr. Steele & some other firm, virtuous, & enlight-
ened Patriots around me, I hoped to succeed, in maintaining justice,
order, & Government among us, untill it should please the United
States, & in case of them leaving us to our Fate, the Powerful from
any quarter, except Spaniards, to dispose of us.

I conclude by remarking, that, there will be little or no division
among us, in this quarter, of attachment & devotion to the Govern-
ment & interests of the Union of the U.S. Could the Administra-
tion in some way or other influence the release of the Captives (fol-
lowers of Kemper) said to be sent by Folch to the Havana, pro-
vided, some equitable mode be devised by either the Federal, or this
Territorial Legislature, to relieve that portion of us on whom the
Expenses of our Revolution have fallen, &, provided, we shall not
have long to bear the yoke of the present form of Territorial Gov-
ernment as terrific & as absurd in my opinion in the mode of admin-
istering Justice, as that which we have just shaken off. A Govern-
ment too calculated to make Americans Children, Frenchman & not
Frenchmens Children, American.

God give you & your Lady, many, many years of health &
. happiness.
F. Skipwith

Skipwith to his Constituents?**

Montesano, April 1, 1811
Fellow Citizens
Though not a Candidate you did me the honor while at New

Orleans to elect me almost unanimously to a seat in the Legislature

of that Territory.

Ruinous under particular circumstances, as a longer absence
from my family would have proven to their interests, & even main-
tenance, I had at one moment determined to take my seat in that
Body, notwithstanding the doubts, I still entertain, of the constitu-

226 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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172 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

tional right & propriety which that body has of authorizing, or re- |
ceiving you to a Representation, otherwise than under an express
law of Congress:— But the more recent intelligence received
among us of our Country being about to be detached from, while
that Territory of Orleans, is authorized by law to adopt measures
and form a Constitution for erecting itself into a State separate
& independent of us, has induced me to reliquish the honor you
have so flatteringly conferred on me, & to return to my home, under
the firm persuasion, that, the services of abler Representatives than
myself on any other footing than of fully, equally, & constitutional-
ly, participating in the general rights & attributes of Legislation,
would prove a source of mortification to your Members individually,
& unavailing under the existing circumstances of the Territory of
Orleans, in the attainment of your just interests & rights, & in re-
pelling with success the odium which has been so unjustifiably
lavished upon our characters & conduct by so many of the public
prints in the United States.— For this purpose, my Fellow Citizens,
I had prepared & should have delivered, at taking my seat, the fol-
lowing Address

Mr. Chairman,

. While the Committee are engaged in examining the returns of
the Election from W. Florida, I shall I hope, be indulged with the
priviledge of making some observations upon the situation of that
Country, & of inquiring upon what principles of law or policy, the
President of the United States acted, in attaching West Florida to
this Territory, by his proclamation of the 27th. of Octo’r., & how
far that proclamation ought to be considered as os upon the
Inhabitants of these two Territories.

It will not, Sir, on the present occasion, be necessary to enter
into a minute investigation of the Title of the United States to West
Florida. It is proper to observe, however, that by Treaty of 63, all
the Country then belonging to France eastward of the Mississippi,
except the Island of New Orleans, was detached from the Province
of Louisiana, & ceded by his Christian Majesty to the Crown of
Britain. By a Treaty of contemporaneous date, England became
master also of East Florida, & blending both these Titles together,
she formed it into two separate Governments making the River
Apalachiola the boundary between them, & called the one East &
the other West Florida. The remaining part of Louisiana, includ-

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 173

ing the Island of Orleans, was at the same time and by the same
Monarch ceded to the Government of Spain. During the war which
terminated in our Independence, nearly 20 years after, England
had held & governed this Country under the appellations above,
they were conquered from that State by the arms of Spain, &
guaranteed to its Sovereign by the definitive Treaty of 1783. From
that period, altho’ they belonged to his Catholic Majesty by the
right of conquest, they were never attached to the Province of
Louisiana.— These Countries formed three distinct Governments
having, it is true, an intimate relation with one another as apper-
taining to the same Sovereign, but governed by different persons,
each of whom was appointed by the King himself. It is true that
the Governor of Louisiana, who was sometimes called Captain
General, & sometimes simple Governor had, in the list of his titles
that of Governor of West Florida, but the real Governor was styled
the Commandant of West Florida: he resided at Pensacola the
Capital of that Province, was appointed as I have before observed,
not by the Captain General or Governor of Louisiana, but by the
King, & by the King alone could he be removed. But, Mr. Chair-
man, if it be contended that the Governor of Louisiana did exercise
authority in certain cases over the Commandant, & Inhabitants of
West Florida, he did it as Governor of that Country, & not as Gov-
ernor of the Province of Louisiana.

West Florida then from 1783 remained in the hands of Spain,
as conquered by her arms, & confirmed to her by Treaty, & con-
tinued to be governed by her as a separate Province untill the late
Revolution, by which the Inhabitants, for reasons which I shall
hereafter explain, attempted to throw off the Spanish yoke, and
establish upon its ruins, their freedom & independence. In the year
1800 the Province of Louisiana & the Island of New Orleans were
retroceded to the French Government, & by them in 1803 sold to the
United States of America under the same limits & conditions, that
France had received it from Spain. Under this Treaty of 1803 the
United States set up a claim to West Florida:— But I shall not
now enter further into the merits of this claim than by observing

that both Spain & France asserting the Spanish right, persisted in —

the refusal to give up that Country, & that the United States, after
many ineffectual & humiliating reiterations of their claim, finally
acquiesced, not only in its remaining in the hands of Spain, who
continued to dispose of the soil, & to exercise Sovereignty over it,
for the space of 7 years, but suffered, as you well know, Mr. Chair-

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174 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

‘man, its own Citizens of the neighbouring Territory to pay tribute |
to the Spanish Customs, for the use of the navigation of the River
Mobille. | |

At length by a chain of events well known to the political
world, Spain being nearly overrun by the arms of France, her
Monarch a Prisoner in the hands of his Imperial Majesty, the Col-
onies, having in vain exhausted their resources to succour & support
the Mother Country, began to meditate upon the means for their
own individual safety and preservation. As the children of an expir-
ing Parent, from whose hands they had been accustomed to receive
their maintenance, and by whose authority they had hitherto been
governed, naturally looks around them in the awful moments of
his dissolution for their own personal security & happiness; so did
the Colonies of the late King of Spain when that unfortunate Mon-
arch was torn from his Throne, & led Captive into France.— Some
of them had already commenced the work of their emancipation,
had thrown off the fetters of the old Government, & were busily
engaged in laying the foundations of their Independence. West
Florida the smallest & most helpless among them, was not insensible
to her situation ;— inhabited principally by native born Americans,
who knew something of the natural rights of Humanity, finding
herself abandoned by her late Sovereign, and seeing all the civil
institutions, by which she had heretofore been held, dissolved and
broken to pieces, she determined to provide other means for the
security & lives of her Inhabitants. With this view & in conjunc-
tion with Govr. Delassus, who continued to represent the expiring
authority of Spain, the Inhabitants of West Florida by their Repre-
sentatives in Convention assembled together, & formed a provincial
Government, in which they preserved as much of the ancient Sys-
tem, as was consistent with the ends of justice, & compatible with
their ideas of the interests & situation of the Country. Shortly
after the adoption of this reform, whether correctly or not, I can-
not now undertake to say, but the Convention with many of our
most respectable Inhabitants, began to distrust the sincerity &
patriotism of Govr. De Lassus. Rumours were circulated, & ac-
companied with circumstances which gave them the appearance of
truth, that, in concurrence with Govr. Folch, his Superior in com-
mand, he was laying a plan to seize upon the Members of the new
Government, & deliver them over to the Captain General of the
Havana. To accomplish this object it was represented, that, Govr.
Folch at the head of a considerable regular Force, was on the point

?
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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 175

of marching against Baton Rouge, that, he had inlisted in his train
a number of Savages, that the Slaves, if necessary were to be called
to his assistance, that our Country was to be pillaged, given up to
the horrors of civil War, heightened by Savage cruelty, & all the
revengeful passions of the enslaved Africans.

In this trying conjuncture of affairs the Convention de-
termined to take the reins of Government into their own hands. A
body of Conventional Troops were ordered immediately to take
Baton Rouge, and on the same night, the 23d. of Septr, they stormed
& took the Fort, put the late Governor into confinement, & hoisted
the Flag of Independence & liberty. This bold & decisive stroke
was approved by almost every man in the Country, roused the
spirits of the Inhabitants, inspired them with confidence in their
leaders, & increased their Zeal & enthusiasm in the common cause.
The first blow already now given, blood having been shed, & every
man was resolved to accomplish what he had begun at the risk of
his life, his fortune, & his honor.— A complete Revolution now
ensued, we published a declaration of our Independence to the
World, & a new Government was in a short time organized & es-
tablished upon the ruins of the old System, similar in all the essen-
tial parts to that of the United States of America. We had secured
by taking possession of the Fort upwards of $100,000 dollars worth
of Cannon, Arms, Amunition &c. Funds were provided, & an ade-
quate force raised and appointed, a large division of which was
actually on its march under Colo. Kirkland to complete the conquest
of the Eastern parts of the Province. A few weeks more would
have made us masters of the whole Country; its Sovereignty would
have been ours, & we should have been able to recompense the
Soldier for the losses he had sustained, the dangers & sufferings
he had encountered, & to remunerate with liberality & good faith
those Individuals who had nobly come forward, and with their
private fortunes generously administered to the wants & necessities
of the Commonwealth; when Govr. Claiborne appeared upon our
Fronteers armed with the Presidents proclamation and instruc-
tions, by which he was directed to take possession of, & annex to the
Territory of Orleans, whatever part of the Country we had con-
quered from the Spaniards, but was explicitly commanded (un-
finished)

The first intimation that we received of the approach of Govr.
Claiborne was by the discovery of two of his private Agents circu-

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176 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

lating the proclamation above alluded to, and sounding the minds
of the Inhabitants of Florida as to their “sentiments towards the
American Government”, & endeavouring to ascertain whether that
Governor in executing the orders of the President by taking posses-
sion of the Country was likely to meet opposition, or a cordial re-
ception. One of these Agents, Mr. King, was arrested & imprisoned
by orders of the Officer commanding at Baton Rouge, under the
impression that the documents he was in possession of, might pos-
sibly have been furnished him by the Commandant of Mobille, with
the view of gaining time, to put himself in a better state of defense,
by retarding the operation of our Troops.— On my arrival how-
ever at Baton Rouge with the Legislature, to which place we had
adjourned, having been convinced of the authenticity of the Presi-
dents proclamation, in a conversation which I had with Govr.
Holmes while at St. Francisville, Mr. King was immediately re-
leased. |

Previous to my retiring from St. Francisville to Baton Rouge,
the Legislature in deliberating upon the subject of Govr. Claibornes
hostile approach, adopted certain resolutions which formed the basis
of my instructions to the person deputed by me to work on that
Governor “requiring of him an explicit avowal of his views & in-
tentions”’, and of the orders which he might have received from the
President of the United States, respecting the People & Territory
of this State, & also by what authority he had caused the aforesaid
proclamations to be distributed within the same. To these enquiries
no satisfactory reply was given, nor was there at this period any
intercourse held between that Gentleman & myself, or between him
& any of the Members of the Government. It was well understood,
however, through Govr. Holmes that Govr. Claiborne had no au-
thority to do any thing effectual in behalf of our Country, except
what was contained in the President’s proclamation. In this state
of things the Legislature addressed to me the dispatch, by which it
will be seen that both they & myself were determined sooner to
perish under the falling Star of Florida, than to submit to the sacri-
fice and disgrace of any of our followers, not even the Deserters
from the American army, or suffer ourselves to be given up to any
foreign Power.

Firm in the purity of our motives, and the justice of our cause,
& being accustomed to entertain an exalted idea of the equality of
the American Government, we were confounded at the conduct of

¥

The West Florida Revolution of 1810 177

the President of the United States towards the people of Florida.
We anxiously desired to be incorporated into the American Union,
but we were unwilling to see the advantages we had achieved by
the Revolution torn from our grasp without any pledge on the part
of the United States, to indemnify our gallant little Army for the
dangers & hardships they had undergone, without any security for
the lands they had acquired either by grant or purchase from the
Spanish Government anterior to the year 1803, & without any
. promise of remuneration to those loyal Citizens who had volun-
tarily & generously lent their private fortunes, not for the benefit
of the Federal Government, but with the noble design of conquering
their freedom, & giving a Government of laws to their beloved
Country and happiness & tranquility to their fellow Citizens. This
sentiment of surprise & indignation was further increased by the
recollection of the circumstance that Govr. Claiborne, while at the
City of Washington, a short time before had written from the
House of the President to his Friend Colo. Wykoff,?27 one of my
Neighbors, urging him to mount his horse, if necessary, to go
amongst and stimulate the Inhabitants of West Florida to declate
themselves independent, & that he or the Administration, I am not
certain which, would repay the expence.— Who would doubt after
the reception of such information from such a source, that, the
Administration of the Federal Government were not for our throw-
ing off the Spanish Yoke? Who can now doubt but that they were
secretly urging us on to fight their battles placing us between them
& the wall, that they might at their ease, & with less fear of Foreign
Nations, strip us of our conquests & appropriate the fruits of our
victories to themselves? Who could behold without experiencing
the mingled sensations of indignation & contempt, the very man
who had been just telling us to go on with our work, & induced us
to believe that it met with the smiles and approbation of the Federal
Administration, standing before us in hostile array, as the Agent
of that same Administration, & demanding from us in its name, the
227 On June 14, 1810, Claiborne wrote Holmes that likely a revolution would start in
Spanish America and it might spread to West Florida; that he was then in Washington and
had induced the President to adopt his plan of intervention which he had suggested three
ears before; and that William ykoff, Jr., member of the executive council of Orleans
erritory, was empowered to assist Holmes. Wykoff was to visit West Florida and assure
the people as far east av the Perdido that they would be welcome in the United States. He
was to suggest a convention so as to have a united request for intervention. Wykoff was
to be paid his expenses on the trip. As early as 1789 Wykoff was interested in West
Florida, for in that year John H. Mills purchased land from him. Wykoff was a native of
Pennsylvania; resided on a cotton plantation nearly opposite Baton Rouge; was judge of
the parish, and a very prominent man. He spoke English, French and Spanish; was related by
marriage to the Hickey and Mather families: and was familiar with conditions on the east side
of the Mississippi. Near the first of December Claiborne rushed from Washington ; the

crossed
Mississippi at Pointe Coupée; and there met Wykoff.—Arthur, West Florida, 17, 35, 133-134;
Cox, West Florida Oontroversy, 330.

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178 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

unconditional surrender, not only of our rights to self government,
but of every thing that we have conquered from the Enemy & at-
tatching us to the Territory of Orleans without any law or authority
whatever, except the proclamation of the President, & the troops of
the army of the United States. Whatever says this Agent, of
Territory, or of public property is found in the hands of the Patriot
Americans, is good prize, but the land on which the Spaniard
standeth is holy & consecrated to the God of Peace.— If however
he should leave it, or be driven from it, & a Floridian passes over |
it, the Agent of the Administration loses his peaceful features, he
is eager for the grasp, the severity of his brow is changed, you see
the thunder rolling in his eyes, Mars is at work; but the Spaniard
waves his Ensign in the air, & the God of Peace retires!— It would
seem to be a violation of every principle of moral as well as of poli-
tical justice, for the Administration of the Federal Government, to
touch the hair of a Spaniards head in West Florida, but let a
' Floridian beat him in battle, or conquer the Country, & get posses-
sion of the public Stores, and it is all washed, except the poor
Floridian, in holy water, it immediately becomes pain beris, & is
sweet to the palate of the gallant Agent & his Administration.

But, Mr. Chairman, what was to be done in this dreadful dilem-
ma? Submission or resistance were both before us. The latter was
improper, not simply because, we should finally have been subdued
by the arms of the United States, but because from the commence-
ment of our Revolution, we anxiously wished & sanguinely hoped,
to be incorporated into the American Union, in a way honorable
& advantageous to both them & ourselves. The former therefore
was preferred, & when we were assured that Govr. Claiborne was
authorized by another proclamation from the President of the
United States, to pardon all the Deserters from the American
Army, & that he promised with Govr. Holmes, to use their joint
influence with the Federal Administration, to indemnify us in the
monies we had expended, a conference was held between the two
Branches of the Legislature & myself, when it was determined to
permit the Troops of the United States to take possession of the
Fort at Baton Rouge, & all the Country under our controul, reserv-
ing to ourselves the priviledge of making use of the promise of
Govr. Claiborne, but looking forward with more confidence and
certainty to the wisdom of the Congress and Government of the
United States to do us justice, in relation to our rights and in-
demnities.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 179

Accordingly on the 9th. of Decr., at 10 O’clock in the morning,
three months from the epoch of our declaration of Independence, I
ordered the Troops of the State of Florida to march out of the Fort,
their colours flying and drums beating.— The Detachment on its
march to Mobille had been ordered to return, & thus the whole
Forces of our State were disbanded, & peaceable possession of the
Country was given up to the Agent of the United States, the Gover-
nor of this Territory— The measures which have been since
adopted, Mr. Chairman, are as well known to this Committee as to
myself.— The quondam State of Florida, by a few strokes of the
pen has been laid off upon true palatinate principles, if not by a
Count Duke, or Prince, at least by Govr. Claiborne into a single
County. Writs of Election have been issued by the condescention of
this honorable Body; five Members from that County, of which I
have the honor to be one, have been returned & taken their seats
among you, to represent it as an integral part of the Territory of
Orleans. |
Speech Fulwar Skipwith, April 1, 1811.?78

Fourth of July Oration?**

ORATION DELIVERED AT ST. FRANCISVILLE,
WEST-FLORIDA, JULY 4, 1811.
BY JAMES TURNER,” ESQ.

Little pretention of originality, is claimed for this Oration.
The subject is so much exhausted, by being the theme of thirty-
four years celebration, that those who look for “something new’”’,
must unquestionably be disappointed. The vanity of the author has
been sufficiently gratified by the solicitation of his audience to see
it in print. To that solicitation, more than to any pretension to
intrinsic merit, is its publication indebted.

ASSEMBLED, fellow citizens, to commemorate the birth-day
of our independence, the era that gave freedom to a world— permit
me to claim you attention for a few minutes, whilst I pass in hasty
review, the most prominent military characters of the revolution,

228 The contents of the letter prefacing the text of the address indicates that the
address was never delivered as planned. ;

229 West Florida Papers,- Library of Congress.

230 James Turner was a Feliciana litician, who was a member of the Louisiana
legislature in 1812. The address here reprinted may have been one of his campaign s hes.
See letter of Governor Olaiborne to James Turner and three others, dated New Orleans,
April 12, 1812, notifying them of the postponement of the session of the legislature.—
Dunbar Rowland (editor), Official Letter Books of W. C. OC. Olaiborne, 1801-1816, VI, 77.

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and recall to your mind some of the important occurences in the
history of our country.

What more happy subject could be selected on this hallowed
jubilee than the great authors of our liberty? They who “digged it
out with their swords”— who, in the grim face of death, amidst
perils innumerable, gave the purchase of their blood; who built it
upon their tombs; and whose spirits, bending from the sky point
with pleasure to the foundation. But Where am I? Fairy faces
open around me, and I seem to press the ground of enchantment. Be-
hold yon vast structure which towers to the heavens! Is it not
cemented with blood, and built upon the slaughtered carcase of
many a gallant soldier? On its broad front AMERICAN INDE-
PENDENCE shines conspucious, in characters of crimson! ! Sur-
rounding nature appears animated!— the very tombs accost the
traveller, and seem to repeat,

“How beautiful is death, when earned by virtue!
A man can die but once to save his country.”

The history of our glorious revolution is pregnant with many a
source of sublime astonishment! Succeeding ages shall turn the
historic page, and catch inspiration from the aera of ’76; they shall
bow to the rising glory of America; and Rome the once proud mis-
tress of the world, shall fade on their remembrance.

The commencement of our struggles, their progress, and their
periods, will furnish a useful lesson to posterity; they will teach |
them that men desperate for freedom, united in virtue, and assisted
by the God of Armies, can never be subdued. America— the infant
America— all defenceless as she is, is invaded by a most powerful
nation; her plains covered by disciplined armies; her harbours
crowded with hostile fleets: destitute of arms— destitute of ammu-
nition; with no discipline but their virtue, and no general but their
cause— behold our brave countrymen arising to resistance; see the
first encroachments of hostility withstood at Lexington; and, O!
Britain! write that page of history with crimson, and margin it
with black, for thy troops fled, defeated and overwhelmed by the
invincible courage of our hardy yeomen.

How was it asserted in the British Parliament, that a single
regiment of disciplined troops, would march through America, and

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 181

crush the rebels to subjection? The experiment was tried, it was
reiterated, and the success was every way worthy of the Quixotic
attempt. Were freemen, were Americans, to be intimidated by the
military parade of hostile regiments? No, for to them,

“A day an hour of virtuous liberty,
Is worth a whole eternity of bondage.”

By a bloody experience did Britain learn this truth; and by
that bloody experience will their children, and their children’s chil-
dren, acquire instruction; they will learn wisdom from the history
of defenseless America, who, when threatened with the destruction
of her liberties, arose in resistance, nerved with desperation! What
was the consequence? The invaders were repulsed; their armies
captured, their strong-works demolished, and their fleets driven
back! Behold the terrible flag, that pride of Britain, drooping all
tarnished from the mast, bewails its sullied honors.

Yet, while we justly admire the valor and success of our
veteran armies, let us shed one tear to the memory of those “un-
fortunately brave’, who were martyrs in the common cause; and
while we celebrate their actions; while we glory in their virtues,
let us deplore their catastrophe and lament their misfortunes. What
catastrophe? What mijsf ortunes? Pardon the unguarded expres-
sion; for surely ’tis no misfortune, to a brave man, that he has died
for his country— no, it caps the climax-of military ambition, and
plays around the soldier’s character with a sun beam of never end-
ing glory!

“Patriots have toil’d and in their country’s cause

Bled nobly; and their deeds, as they deserve,

Receive proud recompence. Th’ historic Muse +.
Proud of the treasure, marches with it down

To latest times; and Sculpture, in her turn,

Gives bond in stone, and ever-during brass,

To guard them and t’ immortalize her trust.”

The fate of the brave man is by no means the death of the
vulgar— it is the birth-day of his glory, and opens to a blessed im-
mortality; nor shall his earthly fame be unremembered, but when
the historic leaf shall shiver in the blaze, when all human works
shall receive their finish from the fire— the soldier’s memory must
survive, for it is registered in heaven.

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Yes! ye shall live in fame! ye shades of Warren,?*! of Mercer,?**
of Laurens,?** and the brave Montgomery***— and when, in re-
motest ages, posterity shall call forth every distinguishing charac-
teristic of human excellence, the genius of our country shall bend
his drooping head, and one tear, one grateful tear, be shed to your
remembrance! Then the young warrior emulous of your fates and
your fame, shall feel his burning soul, and while he unsheaths his
gleaming blade in the service of his country, he shall exclaim with
transport

“How beautiful is death when earn’d by virtue!”

But peace to your names, ye dear departed chiefs! Ye have
trodden the path of honor before us, and obtained a wreath of
neverfading laurels— justly, justly is it your own, for bravely ye
did win it. ‘May the green sod lie light on your breasts, and sweet
be your’slumbers in the narrow house’”’.

“So sleep the brave, who sink to rest,
With all their country’s wishes blest;
By fairry hands their knell is rung,
By forms unseen their dirge is sung;
Then honor comes, a pilgrim grey,

To bless the turf that wraps their clay.
And freedom shall awhile repair
To dwell a weeping hermit there.”

231 Joseph Warren (June 11, 1741-June 17, 1775) was a physician; a strong believer,
speaker, and writer for rights and independence; was a member of the Massachusetts com-
mittee of safety; took a leading part in the provincial congress of Massachusetts; as chairman
a the committee of safety he organized the militia and collected military supplies ; on May

1775, he was unanimously chosen president of Massachusetts under the ‘provincial

vernment; pes ee general in the state forces; and died on the battle field of Bunker
Eovernmes a ll in the head which he received while trying to rally the militia.—
of American Biography, VI, 364-365.

232 Hugh Mercer was born in Scotland in 1720, and died near Princeton, New Jersey,
on January 12, 1777. He was a surgeon in the British army; moved to America in 1747;
served in the French and Indian War under Braddock, and was wounded at Monongahela :
as lieutenant-colonel he helped to take Pittsburg in 1758; was colonel of the militia in 1775;
brigadier-general in June, 1776; led the attack at Trenton; and as he tried to rally the
militia at Princeton he was mortally wounded, but not until he had been knocked down
with the butt of a musket, and then stabbed several times with bayonets while defending
himself with his sword. He was left on the field as dead and died several days later after
intense suffering.—Appleton’s Cyclopedia of American Biography, IV, 300-301.

238 John Laurens (1756-August 27, 1782) was educated in England; was aide to
Washington and secretary part of the time: took part in every battle while he was with
- Washington; went to France for money and supplies; captured one of the redoubts at
Yorktown and received the sword of the commander ; was transferred to the South where
he did excellent fighting; and was killed in a skirmish on Combahee in South Carolina.—
Appleton’s Cyclopedia of American Biography, III, 631.

234 Richard Montgomery was born in Ireland, December 3, 1736, and died at Quebec,
December 31, 1775. He was educated in Dublin University ; fought in the Frenc and
Indian War; resigned and returned to the United States; married a daughter of Judge
Robert R. Livingston, and settled on a farm; became a brigadier- general in June, 1775;
killed in storming Quebec —Appleton’ 8s Cyclopedia of American Biography, IV,

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 183

But we will turn from the scene of “heroes slain in fight”, to
take a view of the great authors of our independence, who survived
the contest. Allow me here one claim to the beloved name of Wash-
ington; for how, upon celebration like this, can the name of Wash-
ington be distant? He whose unbiassed virtues, firm patriotism,
unequalled abilities, and steady perseverance, are written upon the
hearts of his countrymen: “And altho’ deep is his sleep in the
grave, and low is his pillow of earth”, he can never be lost to his
country— we see him in our liberties, and shall forever see him, —
while that opus magnum, THE INDEPENDENCE OF AMERICA,
remains in existence.

Where are those who admire the unexampled patriot and ac-
complished soldier, blended in the same character? Come forth
this day and join your friendly voices with mine, to eternize the
name of Washington. The august veteran of Prussia left it upon
record, that when “Frederick was the oldest general in Europe,
Washington was the greatest general in the world”. But language
fails; and I will proceed to pay that attention due to _ memory of
another distinguished character.

To what is America more indebted than to the gallant exertions
of her beloved Greene ??*°— in whose amiable character the great
soldier and good citizen are so conspicuously blended. The battles
of Trenton, Princeton, Brandywine, and German-town, brought his
talents into notice, whilst those of Guilford and Eutaw immortalised
his military fame. And when at the close of the war he sought
tranquility in private life, he retired with the Jo Paens of his grate-
ful country.

But here we stop— Greene lies in the cold and cheerless grave ;

“The Cypress there, and Bays, shall form
A shelter from the driving storm.

There shall Columbia’s sons be seen,

To mourn the virtues of her Greene:
And her fair daughters there shall lave
With annual tears the hero’s grave.”

‘235 Nathanwl Greene (June 6, 1742-June 17, 1786) fought with Washington in the
North, and after the defeat of Gates a became commander in the South. At Trenton he
commanded the left wing and was at Princeton; commanded the reserves at
Brandywine, and did —_ aS at peerage Se on October 4, 1778; at Guilford
Courthouse he was driven from the field, but not defeated; on April 25, ‘1781, in the
second battle of Camden. he was again driven from the field, but was not routed ; at Ni inety-Six
and Eutaw Springs yr almost won two more battles, but had to withdraw in each case.—

Appleton’s Oyclopedia of American Biography, II, 750-753.

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But in the long list, upon which the name of Gates***, Lincoln,?**
Starks,2** and the Gallant Wayne?*® are conspicuously lettered—
men whose names shall descend to posterity with co-eternal
honor— among them shall the brave Sullivan?*® be often mentioned ;
and the name of Schuyler”*! shine untarnished there; and there also
shall the venerable name of Putnam?*? be found; whose locks
bleached by time, shewed his heart and courage had been left for
his country. Now the list of deserving characters is swelling on
my view, and I hasten to other parts of my subject.

The sound of the trumpet has ceased; the alarm of war has
retired from our shores; gentle peace returns to our ravaged plains,
to cheer the heart of the husbandman. At this important crisis,
behold the chief who led our gallant armies.

“To daureled victory, to fame, to freedom,”

lay down his buckler and his shield, and retire to the shades of
rural life. Our armies are abandoned; and the veteran soldier, who

236 Horatio Gates (1728-April 10, 1806) was born in England; fought in the French
and Indian war; moved to Virginia in 1772; took a leading part in the early period of the
Revolution; was given credit for the victory of Saratoga; took part in the Conway Cabal;
lost the battle of Camden on August 16, 1780; retired to his plantation; Congress voted
A Sem his conduct, but it was never done. —Dictionary of American Biography, VII,

287 Benjamin Lincoln (January 24, 1733-May 9, 1810) was . member of the Massachusetts

ure before independence; was adjutant of a regiment in July, 1755, and major in
1772; became brigadier-general and then major-general in the Revolution; became commander
of the army of the South on September 25, 1778; was captured in May, 1779, at Charleston
with his whole army; and then was exchanged and entered the army again. He became
Secretary of War on October 30, 1781; led the troo to suppress Shay’s Rebellion; was
a member of the convention that ratified the Constitution of the United States; elected
lieutenant-governor of Massachusetis in 1758; was collector of the port of Boston; and
was a writer of some note.—Dictionary of American Biography, XI, 259-261.

238 John Stark (August 28, 1728-May 8, 1822) rose to captain in the French and
Indian War; entered the army immediately after the battle of Concord; rose to colonel;
was in the battles of Bunker Hill, Trenton, Princeton, and others; resigned in March, 1777:
was elected to command the Vermont forces against the British; at Bennington he defeated
Baum, and then defeated the force sent to assist him; and retired to private business and
refused all public offices.—Dictionary of American Biography, XVII, 530-531.

239 Anthony Wayne (January 1, 1745-December 15, 1796) was born in Ss comomnagerarh
learned surveying; became a colonel on January 3, 17 76; brigadier-general on February 21,
1777; fought in various places; captured Stony Point on July 16, 1779; saved West
Point when Arnold became a traitor; served in the army of the South after Yorktown ;
engaged in civil pursuits from 1783 to 1792; became commander of the army of the
Northwest; defeated the Indians in the battle of Fallen Timbers; and died at Presque Isle,
now Erie, Pennsylvania.—Dictionary of American Biography, XIX, 563-565.

2409 John Sullivan Selgin 4 17, 1740-January 23, 1795) studied law; became major
of New Hampshire militia; was in the first Continental Congress; with Washington at Boston;
became major-general on ‘August 9, 1776; was captured and exchanged; was in the battles
of Trenton, Princeton, and many other battles of the Revolution; was attorney-general of
New Hampshire from 1782 to 1786; elected governor in 1786, 1787, ogg was president
of the state convention that ratified the Federal Constitution; served in e Legislature; and
district judge from 1789 until his death.—Dictionary of Biography,

192-1

241 Philip John Schuyler (November 22, 1733-November 18, 1804) took part in the
French and Indian War; was colonel in the New York militia; served in the legislature;
commanded the army in New York; served in the Continental Congress; was Indian
commissioner; and was oo in promoting the interests of the state-—Appleton’s Oyclopedia
of American Biography, V, 431-4338.

242 Israel Putnam (January 7, 1718-May 19, 1790) was a Massachusetts farmer; served
in the French and Indian War, rising to the rank of lieutenant- colonel; and on April 20,
1775, upon hearing of the battle of Concord, left his plow in the field, mounted a horse,
and rode to the front without changing his clothes for his uniform. He was ranking officer
at Bunker Hill; rose to the rank of major-general ; ag was one of the leaders in the Revolution.
—— Cyclopedia of American Biography, V ,» 189-140.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 185

has for seven years been engaged in slaughtering men, changed his
profession. The forest bends “beneath his sturdy stroke’”’; the neat
hamlet peeps from the grove; and, in private life, enjoying the
liberty his valour won, he anticipates the blessings he has obtained
for his posterity.

Time, fellow-citizens, will not permit me to pass in detail the
events since the close of the war. The articles of confederation,
which bound us in “times that tried men’s souls’, were found to be
badly calculated for a state of peace, and we saw the necessity of
framing a new system of government. A convention is assembled;
a constitution formed; and the august chief who led us through the
terrors and dangers of the revolution, is called to the chief magis-
tracy. The same greatness of soul and of mind, that marked his
character as a soldier, characterised him as a statesman. Let the
unexampled prosperity of our country, and the elevated rank it held
among the nations of the earth, during the eight years of General
Washington’s presidency, proclaim his greatness and his worth.

Great was Caesar in the cabinet and the field, but Caesar
passed the Rubicon. Genius and talents cannot be denied to the
present emperor of the French; but his steps are marked with
blood, the temple of his greatness is erected on the miseries of
Frenchmen, and the music of his fetes is the groans of the nations
he has enslaved. Look at Spain struggling for freedom, and trace
the march of the French armies; it is marked by the slaughter of
old men and innocent children, and the polution of females— desola-
tion stalks over the plains, and the route of the traveller is lighted
by the blazing of cottages and of cities. Turn your eyes from this
scene of misery created by ruthless ambition, and suffer them to
dwell for a moment on the character of your Washington. The
temple of his fame is the prosperity of his country, and the monu-
ment of his glory the affection of his countrymen.

“So near perfection, that he stood
Upon the boundary line,

Of infinite from finite good,

Of human from divine.”

To the administration of general Washington, succeeded that
of Mr. Adams. Oh, my countrymen! what a change was here! and
how severely was it felt! But Mr. Adams*** was patriot of ’76, and

248 John Adams (October 30, 1735-July 4, 1826) was a great patriot in the Revolution,

n an en an on laws made unpo — "8 7)
American Biography, I, 15-28. .

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in charity to a weak old man, who sincerely loved his country, we
- ghall cast over his presidency the mantle of oblivion.

After the term of Mr. Adam’s election had expired, Mr. Jeffer-
son was called to the presidency. With his administration com-
menced a new aera in our country. His inaugural speech is con-
sidered by all honest politicians as the touch-stone of true republi-
can principles, and is alike honorable to the head and the heart of
that illustrious statesman. But it is not my intention to enter on
the political differences that have existed between Americans. It
is enough that we are all natives of this soil, and feel for its inde-
pendence and its honor. Eighteen months had scarcely rolled
around, when our government was called upon to act with energy.
The Government of Spain, with whom we had been on the best of
terms, shut the port of New Orleans. This outrage, this degrada-
tion of national pride, in defiance of a solemn treaty, was felt from
the Ohio to Portland, and excited but one sentiment— revenge. The
tocsin of war was sounded, and the clamour of arms rang from one
end of the union to the other. At this moment the all comprehen-
sive mind of Jefferson perceived that war might be averted; that
the union might be enriched, and at the same moment the rights of —
the nation vindicated. Monroe was sent to France, and the acquisi-
tion of Louisiana was the issue of his labour. You my respected
audience, can speak the pleasure that was felt in receiving this
intelligence. You who have been reared in a republic, who had
tasted the sweets of liberty, can declare with what joy your hearts
dilated, with what pleasure you received the gladsome tidings, that
the time of your slavery approached a period, that the day of your
pilgrimage was near a close, and that you were again about to be
admitted into the great family of freemen: Here would I pause,
did duty not impose upon me the task of painting the sad reverse of
the picture. A part of Louisiana was taken possession of— and -
how shall I utter the painful truth without impeaching the justice
and honor of my country— Florida was suffered to remain in
slavery.

With what tranquility did we await the resolutions of America?
With what palpitation of heart and anxiety of expectation, did we
look for the chain to burst that bound us in tyranny. Year rolled
after year, and we perceived no prospect of emancipation. Our
grievances increased, our wrongs accumulated, and our sufferings
could no longer be borne. At the moment, pregnant with important

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 187

events, the handful of brave men who inhabited this spot, rose in
the majesty of their strength. Caesar may exercise in Gaul a mili-
tary despotism, but Caesar must not pass the Rubicon! the die is
cast! and absolute submission, or the most vigorous and manly
resistance, must ensue. Could brave men, resolved on freedom hesi-
tate? Could Americans, who have born arms in the era of ’76— or
children, the bones of whose sires lie bleaching on the heights of
Bunker’s Hill,?4* or the plains of Monmouth—** desire a moment
for election? No! The same feeling, the same spirit animated
every heart. We resolve on emancipation! We desire to effect it
without the loss of lives! The blood stained pages of the French
revolution stare us in the face! Horror chills the heart, and we
turn to the annals of the once defenceless America, for an example.
In imitation of the first congress, a convention is assembled; and
here permit me to indulge the pleasure of giving utterance to the
patriotic names of John Rhea, John H. Johnson, John Mills, William
Barrow, Philip Hickey, Thomas Lilly, Edmund Hawes, John Mor-
gan, John W. Leonard, Wm. Spiller, Benjamin O. Williams, and the
classic Steele.24* As long as the historic page shall exist, as long
as freedom shall be dear to man, your names shall be held in great
remembrance. And here as I pass my eye over the name of
Cooper,”47 the remembrance of Arnold,?** and Burr,?*® and of the
treacherous Wilkinson,”*° rush upon the mind, and deny me utter-
ance.

244 In the battle of Bunker Hill, June 17, 1775, two charges were driven back with
heavy slaughter, but the American lack of powder enabled the British to win on the third
assault.—Claude Halstead Van Tyne, The American Revolution, 32-33.

, 245 On July 28, 1778, Washington and Lafayette would have captured the British army
had it not been for the treachery of Charles Lee.—John Spencer Bassett, Short History of
the United States, 200.

246 Thomas Lilley, Philip Hickey, George Mather, John Morgan, and Edmund Hawes,
along with nine others, signed a petition to the governor of West Florida on July 6, 1810,
requesting permission to hold a convention in the district. William Spiller and Benjamin
ee were elected delegates from the St. Helena district.—Arthur, West Florida, 38,

247 The Chefuncte or Tangipahoa region sent only one delegate to the West Florida
meeting held at St. John’s Plains. He was William Cooper, a North Carolina Tory, but
at that time he was an adherent of Shepherd Brown. On Saturday before the capture of
Baton Rouge. B. O. Williams became faint hearted and resigned, claiming that the local
situation would not permit his attendance.—Arthur, West Florida, 43, 113, 124.

248 Benedict Arnold nema | 14, 1749-June 14, 1801) made an excellent officer in
the Revolution, but his attemp betrayal of West Point in 1780 made him perhaps the
most odious American.—Appleton’s Cyclopedia of American Biography, I, 93-96.

#4® Aaron Burr (February 6, 1756-September 14, 1836) was an officer in the Revolution,
a Senator, Vice-President of the United States, 1801-1805; but his killing of Hamilton in
a duel and the accusations of being a traitor in attempting to break the West away from
roe — States led to his disgrace.—Appleton’s Cyclopedia of American Biography, lI,

250 James Wilkinson (1757-December 28, 1825) was an officer in the Revolution; a
friend of Burr and Arnold; was later commander of the army on the western frontier; was
in the pay of Spain for years; had special vileges for his commerce at New Orleans;
his conduct was twice investigated by army officers; his turning against Burr and becoming
the chief witness against him proved valuable in his favor; but he retired to Mexico where
he died under suspicion.—Appleton’s Cyclopedia of American Biography, VI, 511-512. j

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But my friends, your patience must be wearied, and I must
hasten on my subject. The acts of the august body are before you,
they freshen on your memory, you will judge of their merits, and
the merits of your brethren. The representative of the monarch
of Spain, ostensibly accorded in the regulations; but treachery
ranked at his heart. A correspondence was held with Folch, and
deportation, and the horrours of the Moro, were presented to this —
assembly of patriots. The treachery of Lassus was detected: and
Leonard! name dear to every Floridian, you escaped the snare laid
for you, and once more appeared in the midst of your compatriots.
And now, my fellow-citizens, let me introduce to your remembrance
the name of our Skipwith; he, at this gloomy crisis appeared in the
midst of our brave men, resolved on victory or death. You all feel
with the importance of the moment that was to decide the fate of
Florida. The convention assembled in Feliciana, and issued to the
gallant Thomas, the orders for taking the fort of Baton Rouge.
The invincible courage of that veteran, halted not at obstacles;
about fifty men assembled, and the bayonet taught the fort of
Baton Rouge what men resolved on freedom, were capable of
atchieving.

Here allow me one moment to lament the loss of the gallant

Grand Pré.*51 He was our enemy; but he was a soldier: and, like
a soldier, he died at his post. Were the shafts of death only
directed against vice and treachery in the hour of battle, Grand Pré
would yet have lived, and his coward and treacherous commander
paid the forfeit of his crimes. But Grand Pré is no more! In
Heaven may he receive the soldier’s recompense!

The Star succeeded the Cross, and the sound of artillery con-
veyed the glad tidings to the country. As I cast my eyes around
me, I perceive many a gallant soldier, who carried arms on that
awful night; pardon my confusion, brave defenders of your coun-
try! the pyramids may sink, and obelisks wear out with time, but

251 Don Louis Antonio de Grand Pré was a lieutenant in Baton Rouge; was the son
of Governor .Don Carlos de Grand Pré; and on Saturday before the capture of Baton Rouge
he rowed across the Mississippi to spend the Sabbath with Don Pedro Favrot, as he and
Favrot’s daughter Josephine were childhood sweethearts. He told them that he could not
spend the Sabbath with them; he must return to the fort, for if anything should happen
to it in his absence he could not forgive himself, as much as he would like to remain with
his lady love. With four balls in his body, he fell at Baton Rouge and died the next day.
At four o’clock, the hour the fort fell, Josephine Favrot awoke everybody in the house of
her father, pacing over her room and declaring that she had seen men on horseback racing
into the fort, Grand Pré covered with blood, defending his fort, and calling for her. In
the morning her father and her brother Philogene took her over the river, and as they
approached they saw the new flag. Grand Pré died at two o’clock on Monday morning in
the arms of Philogene Favrot, and was buried with full military honors by the victors of
the battle. His sweetheart never married, but remained true to her lover, and passed her
time painting and drawing pictures of the beautiful things about her.—Arthur, West Florida,
62, 104-106, 115-116.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 189 —

your names shall be immortal. Confidence succeeded uncertainty,
and nothing but the forts of Mobile and Pensacola remained,
against which to direct our virtuous arms. You who carried a
musket on that occasion: you who appreciate the talents of our
brave commander; you who could stare death in the face, can attest
the beam of joy that played upon the face of every soldier. Yes,
brave comrades, your hearts were light and confident of success,
for you wielded a troncheon in defense of your country! The
“beaver was up’; the drum had sounded; when orders from our
chief assured us that that government, whose protection we had
sought, whose alliance we had courted, had pronounced the awful
fiat that fixed forever the destinies of Florida.

Fellow citizens, whilst you join with me in rejoicing at the
period that made us a part of the United States, let us bury in obli-
vion the manner in which it was effected.

Turning our eyes upon the patriot who fills the executive chair,
we are ready to exclaim, “well done thou good and faithful servant” ;
and when again we feel our grievances, we ask, why is there not
an American Congress!

A moment’s more attention, and I have done. From the Rio
Bravo to the North, we form one republic. “Ours are the plans of
fair delightful peace.” But whilst honor is our polar star, and
liberty our object, our swords will be unsheathed in the cause of
our country. The olive branch and the quiver are equally poised;
accept the one, or defy the other. Truxton taught Frenchmen the
valor of Americans, and from Rogers has Britain had a lesson of

experience.

Minutes of a Public Meeting?

At a respectable meeting of the inhabitants of the County of
Feliciana at St Johns Plains on the 14th day of December 1811,
Fulwar Skipwith Esqr being elected President John Rhea Esqr
vice President & And. Steele Secretary, the following resolutions
were adopted.

lst— Resolved that a Committee of three be appointed to draft
a Memorial to the Congress of the United States for redress of
greviances of this County— and that our agent Col. John Ballenger
be instructed to lay the same before Congress—

#52 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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2d— Resolved that Copies of the said Memorial be sent one to
the Secretary of State of the United States, one to the President of
the Senate and one to the Speaker of the house of Representatives
of the United States as soon as possible

- 8d— Resolved that the said Committee be authorised to ad-
dress to the genl Government one or two memorials as they may
think proper on the subject of our greviances, and cause the same
to be forwarded as soon as possible after the same shall have been
circulated in this County for the signatures of the inhabitants—

_ Whereupon Messrs Turner Griffith & Steele were appointed
a Committee for the purposes aforesaid and the meeting then
adjourned—
Fulwar Skipwith
President of the Meeting

John Rhea

Address of Skipwith to his Constituents?™

Fulwar Skipwith, ex-governor of the State of Florida, to the In-
habitants of that Country, on declining to serve in the Legislature
_of the Territory of Orleans, when elected by the Freeholders of the
County of Feliciana.

Fellow Citizens,
‘Though not a Candidate, you did me the honor, while at New

Orleans, to-elect me unanimously, except by three votes, to a seat
in the Legislature of the Territory of Orleans.

Ruinous as a longer absence from home would have proven
to the interests & even maintenance of my Family, on whom my
‘many losses & sacrifices have nearly brought distress, I was should
notwithstanding during some days, resolved to take my seat in spite
of the my doubts, I still entertain, of the constitutionality & pro-
priety of your being admitted to a representation under any law
of the Legislature of the Territory of Orleans, not authorized by
an Act of Congress; & accordingly, I prepared an address, which
I conceived was my first duty to do, in defence of my rights,
character, and honor, & should I have delivered it on my becoming
one of that Body, had not the recent intelligence received among
us of our being about to be detached by Congress from the Territory

253 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 191

of Orleans, decided my judgment against my becoming a member
of the Legislature of a neighbouring Territory about to be erected
into a State separate & independent of us. Whether I should have
expressed your sentiments and wishes, so congenial to my own,
you will be the better able to determine after perusing the Address
itself, which I here subjoin.

[The Address which follows is omitted here, since it is exactly
the same as that given above under date of April 1, 1811, to which
the reader is referred. ]

Act Apportioning Representatives to the Florida Parishes***

An Act Apportioning the representatives of that part of Florida
annexed to the State of Louisiana, and for other purposes.

WHEREAS, by an act of the Congress of the United States,
entitled “an act for enlarging the limits of the State of Louisiana,”
and by a resolution of the Legislature of the said state of Louisiana,
assenting to the same, in manner as prescribed by the said act of
Congress: all that portion of country comprehended within the
following limits, to wit: beginning at the junction of the Iberville
with the river Mississippi; then along the middle of the Iberville,
the river Amite, and of the lakes Maurepas and Ponchartrain to
the mouth of the Pearl River; thence up the eastern branch of
Pear! River to the thirty-first degree of north latitude; then along
the said degree of latitude to the river Mississippi; thence down
the said river to the place of beginning, is annexed to the State of
Louisiana; and the Legislature of the said state is further author-
ised by the said act of Congress, to give to that portion of country,
_the due representation in the General Assembly of the State.

Sect. lst. Be it therefore enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the State of Louisiana in General Assembly
convened, That the parish of Feliciana shall constitute one district
for the election of a senator and two members of the House of
Representatives; the parish of East Baton Rouge shall constitute
one other district for the election of a senator and two representa-
tives; and the parishes of St. Helena and St. Tammany, shall con-
stitute one other district for the election of a senator, and each of
the said parishes shall elect a member of the House of Represen-

254 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress. Broadside.

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192 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

tatives, making in all three senators and six representatives, who
when elected shall take their respective seats in the General
Assembly of the State of Louisiana.

Sect. 2d. And be it further enacted, That the present laws
governing elections within the former limits of the State of Louis-
iana, not contrary to the constitution of said State, shall in every
respect govern, and in like manner, regulate the elections to be
held within said portion of country annexed to the said state.

Sect. 3d. And be it further enacted, That the said elections
shall be held on the fourth Monday of September next ensuing,
and the two succeeding days, at the houses and places which the
judges or commissioners of the election shall think fit to appoint
as most convenient for the citizens of the said parishes; and that
all subsequent elections in the said parishes, shall be held as is
directed by the laws prescribing the time and manner of holding
elections throughout the state. :

Sect. 4th. And be it further enacted, That the Governor issue
writs of election to the proper officers in the above mentioned
parishes, enjoining them to cause elections to be held in manner ©
as above described. |

P. B. St. Martin,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.

J. Poydras,
President of the Senate.

William C. C. Claiborne,?*®
Governor of the State of Louisiana.

Approved, 25th August, 1812.

256 William Charles Cole Claiborne (1775-November 23, 1817) spent a brief period in
Richmond Academy and at William and Mary College; was clerk of Congress for a few
years; spent some time studying law in Virginia; and then moved to Sullivan county,
Tennessee, where he soon had a large criminal practice. He was a member of the convention
that framed the Tennessee constitution in 1796; became a judge of the supreme court of
Tennessee under the new constitution; was elected to Congress in August, 1797, and then
re-elected for the regular term, although still under the constitutional ; threw the vote
of his state for Jefferson over Burr; and Jefferson soon thereafter ede him governor of
the Mississippi Territory. As governor of this territory he had many difficult questions to
settle, which he handled skilfully. In the latter part of 1803 he was associated with General
James Wilkinson as commissioners to receive Louisiana from the French, and he was soon
sent to New Orleans as governor. Here he found himself in a very difficult situation. For
a time he was a sort of proconsul for Jefferson. He had no precedents to guide him, little
knowledge of the habits, customs and laws of the people and no acquaintaince with their
language. The Creoles resented the transfer and berated his rule. His good motives, pleasing
appearance, mild temper, honesty, and diligence, coupled with the fact that his second and
third wives were Creoles, did much to remove these initial handicaps. The trouble with Burr
bis duel with Daniel Clark, and the annexation of West Florida caused him much concern.
The war of 1812 caused him much trouble; the United States did not properly provide for the
defense of that part of the territory; and Jackson did not cooperate with or properly respect
Claiborne. On January 13, 1817, he was elected to the United States Senate, but he died
before he took his seat. He at least left an honorable record on a very disturbed frontier.—
Dictionary of American Biography, IV, 115-116.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 193

Skipwith to Electors of East Baton Rouge?*6

TO THE FREE AND INDEPENDENT ELECTORS OF THE PARISH OF
EAST BATON ROUGE

Fellow Citizens,

If, therefore, you have been accustomed to publick addresses,
in writing or by speech, from persons recommending themselves
to your notice and confidence, it is because we have not a printing
press among us; that we live almost isolated & retired, and letting
some two or three men stand between us & the light, allow them,
in pursuit of their own interested and favorite objects, to direct in
too great a degree your likes and dislikes; and in fact, on occasions
like the present, to forestal your sentiments and opinions, at the
hazard of your dearest interests in society. Hence we see the can-
didates for the senate, in order to promote their own elevation,
assemble together in this and that corner of the parish, their
ini (ti) ated— make tickets of election of themselves, and through
the jobbers employed for the purpose, we no doubt on the day of
election, shall see thrust into your hands, those tickets, for the
seal of your votes. But in this, I trust, they will be disappointed;
you will not suffer your votes to be finched in this manner from
you by surprise— on the contrary, it is still time, and you will
do well, maturely, to ask your own understandings, whether such
candidates are calculated to reflect credit on your parish in the
senatorial branch of the legislature, or whether, determined as
they seem to be, to become one or the other, the subject of your
choice, you shall not with that discrimination and dignity which
would so well become your sovereign and invaluable rights, on
the day of election look for some person who knows better how to
appreciate those rights, and your discernment too.

I throw a gentler light of illustration on some further prelim-
inary remarks, which I beg to make, I must borrow from an
enlightened friend, his figure, when he says that the first legislature
of an infant state, is placed something like our ill fated forefather
was in Paradise, between the good and evil tree. Unlike our
unfortunate progenitor, that honorable body, we learn, have not
yet plucked from either the good or the evil fruit; but are waiting
for the representation from these parishes, to assist in the choice,
on the very delicate and important point of collision, in our con-

256 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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194 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly |

stitution, which has unfortunately risen between the executive and
senatorial branches of our government, with respect to appoint-
ments to office.

There was one serpent, we all know, in the garden of our first
parents, and it was he who led our frail mother to taste and to
give of the forbidden apple. But how many more from the stock
of that tempter, do thrive in times like these, and have thriven
from our first knowledge of this country, upon the borders of the
American Nile! I hope no one of that reptile tribe has whispered
into the ears of any one of us, words like these: “Go forth my son,
gather together thy adherents, and declare thyself a candidate at
the approaching election of senator, and as it is known that thou
wilt stand by the captain of hosts, who has always smiled upon
thee and thine, so shalt thou be chosen, and ever after, thee and
thine favored and preferred to the last generation.” And so alter-
nately of the interested partizans, who might look for more
patronage from individuals of the senate. It is not probable that
one of these seducers will appear on this ground openly to ticke
the ears of us to the same effect; least you should tell him one and
all, that you would not have a senator devoid of all independence
of mind, who would tie himself down to patronage and favor;
least you should say we have had little or no opportunity of reading
and discussing the constitution, and therefore will not from this
or that interpretation of designing individuals, prescribe a hasty
construction of any one article or section of that Instrument, to
either our Senator or our Representative; but we will require and
expect from body, a cordial and firm cooperation with the support
of, the Executive, in the discharge of all his constitutional duties,
and that they receive with confidence and deference the measures
he may recommend, conducive to the public good; but on constitu-
tional points of collision between the different branches of govern-
ment, we will not be hurried into a premature interference, by the
agents, visible, or invisible, from the interested partisans of one
or the other of these branches.

Had better qualified inhabitants among you than either my
compeditor or myself come forward on this occasion, and some
I am sure there are, I most assuredly would not; but as none such
are inclined to do so, in compliance with the wishes of many among
you, I present myself a candidate for your Senate. In soliciting,
therefor, the honor of your suffrages, fellow citizens, I owe it -
to you, and to myself, first to endeavor to remove those political

The West Florida Revolution of 1810 195

grounds of objection to me, which my opponents, I understand, and
their partisans, have been, with much zeal and industry, attempting
to induce you to adopt— And although I had been admonished and
felt that, I should not receive a single vote at your hands, which
I have not before solicited from any one individual, among you;
yet with your permission, I should have seized with eagerness this
opportunity, the only one which has offered itself, of explaining
that part of my public conduct towards you which has been so
wrongfully censured and misrepresented— These Gentlemen would
feign induce you to believe, that by declining to serve last year,
when you did me the honor, with one unanimous voice to return
me your Representative to the Territorial Legislature of Orleans,
I abandoned your interest, whereby the Town of Baton Rouge they
add, lost the settings of the superior court, was burthened with
the building of a prison &c. &c:

I was aware, and was prepared, my countrymen, at declining
the honor you then conferred on me, publicly to explain to you
the reasons of my conduct; but from an interchange of sentiments
with many of my neighbors, among whom I discover some of my
opposers, I concluded with them that such publicity was unneces-
sary, and had better be avoided.

My silence then proceeded from what I conceived, and do still
consider, a patriotic regard to your dearest interests, and among
them to our main vital object, now so happily attained which was
an unqualified admission and annexation to the state, and not to
the territory of Orleans. For with sentiments and opinions hostile
as mine were to the form and administration of that territorial
government, I found it impossible to obtain my own consent to
become one of its legislators, when evidently it would not have
been in my power to prove instrumental in procuring either change
or reform; but by vainly attacking a system of government, odious
enough I am sure, to you all; by vainly attempting to vindicate the
characters and views of us, who embarked in the revolution of
West Florida; by vainly endeavoring to secure remuneration for
our pecuniary sacrifices, and the just indemnification for military
stores, arms and amunition seized by us at the hazard of our lives,
and wrested from us again by the arms of the United States, with
peculiar circumstances of humiliation, and which, thank God! the
United States now employ in their defense. My opponents, on the
present occasion especially, would perhaps, with more advantage
to themselves, represent me an enemy to the measures and policy

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196 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

adopted with respect to us by the president of the United States,
as well as to the conduct of our present chief magistrate, who,
doubtless from presidential authority, imposed that government
on us— While on the other hand, I considered silence and submis-
sion the most prudent and the wisest course for us to pursue.

Still, other reasons, fellow citizens, I have to offer in my
justification, for not repairing to the post you last year assigned
me, which, I hope will at least satisfy you, as to the purity and
patriotism of the principles which directed my conduct.

Compelled as I was by domestic circumstances, to leave my
home last year, the very day after the writs of election were
received among us, with these impressions already expressed,
strongly imprinted on my mind, I did, in truth, set out in the hope
of escaping your notice, but meeting in the road some respectable
characters, who urged to know, whether, if elected by the people
in my absence, I would consent to serve— I answered, that con-
sistant with my own principles, which are never to refuse to serve
for or with my neighbors in difficult times, I answered I say that
I should not know how to refuse a pledge of confidence, so flatter-
ing from the people— Nor should I, my countrymen, but arriving
at New Orleans, I became acquainted with the act of congress,?*’
during that period, authorizing the territory of Orleans to organize
itself into a state, defining the line east of the Mississippi to
Manchac and consequently excluding us.

By what colour of right, legal, or constitutional, then, my
countrymen, could the legislature of said Territory admit us to
be represented? Say, whether, with a knowledge of this law you
could, or ought to have respected writs of election from that body ;
or whether when chosen your representative, but happening to be
at New Orleans and apprised of the law for excluding us, it can
with any fairness be said, I deserted you, by declining to take a
seat in a Legislature, who had yet a right, and in fact, it was their
duty to consider us, in the language of the President, a people still
to be negotiated for, and where, if admitted and tolerated to remain,

. *57 The enabling act of Louisiana became a law on February 20, 1811, and it provided
that the territory of the new state should extend east to the river Iberville, and the middle
of Ickes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the Gulf of Mexico. The constitution was framed
by a convention, and on April 8, 1812, Congress admitted the new state into the union. On April
14, 1812, Congress passed an act allowing the legislature, if it should so desire, to extend the
eastern boundary of the state from the middle of the rivers Iberville, Amite, and of the lakes
Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the eastern mouth of the Pearl river, thence up the eastern bank
of the Pearl river to the thirty-first degree of north latitude and along that parallel to the
Mississippi. If the legislature took in this territory, it was to grant the people there representation,

equal rights, privileges, benefits, and advantages of the other people of Louisiana.—United
States Statutes at Large, 11, 641-643, 701-704, 708-709.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 197

I could not hope from the palpable degradation and uncertainty of
my situation, to participate equally or constitutionally in the full
attributes and rights of legislation— Look at the late law of
Congress, at length, authorizing the present legislature of this
State to annex this country, and determine whether, on correct
principles, flattering to the feelings of freemen, we have before
possessed a right to Legislative Representation— of whether, in-
deed, you have enjoyed the opportunity of examining for yourselves
this mock shadow of partial rights, gratuitously granted to you
last year by Gov. Claiborne, and one other branch of the govern-
ment, but withheld from you by the legislative council, in which
you will recollect your representatives were not suffered to enter;
whether, I ask, with a better understanding of your real situation,
you could have consented to the disgraceful compromise of being
represented in one branch of the government and not in another;
and this too by one half of the real representation, to which you
were notoriously entitled; and to cap the fantastic figure of so
ludicrous a representation, to vote for your own taxation, under
a parish administration and system of laws, which I believe you
all, no less than myself, disliked, and which their own conscript
fathers, though vain at the begetting, and so proud in rearing to
maturity, make now, with our chief magistrate, a merit of dis-
carding.

It is not my desire to impute blame to the very estimable
characters. who did undertake to represent us last year, but to
repel censure, which I do not think ought to be attached to me
for pursuing the course I did— Censure which, I am sure is not
attached from candour, or motives of public good.

Being in common with inhabitants of this parish, interested
in the prosperity of the town of Baton Rouge, I need say little
on such points of local concern. I felt pursuaded however, that
neither my opponents or their adherents, design to flatter, as well
as censure me, at the expence of the late territorial government,
and the very active and able representative who went in my stead,
when they pretend to attribute to my absence from that body, the
injuries which they alledge have been sustained by this town— If
honored, Fellow Citizens with a majority of your votes, I shall
with an impartial regard to the local interests generally of the
inhabitants of this parish, endeavour to shun each selfish spring
of action.

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198 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

On other more general topics of deep concern, I have a right,
as one of the people, and do feel sensibly the necessity of a more
perfect system of laws, another, and less oppressive administration
of them; and as one of your representatives my earliest efforts
would be directed to objects so urgent and so important.— By a
vigilent attention and forethought to the moral situation of society,
and to the present critical political state of our country, much
might have been done, and much must be done in framing laws to
prevent, rather than punish crimes.

The commencement of war, at once depriving the inhabitants
of this, more than of any other of the U. S. of the ordinary returns
for their labour, is but the commencement of privations and indi-
vidual distress; besides, therefore, a more economical system in
the administration of justice, you will have a right to require from
your representatives a scrupulous and rigid regard to the object
and appropriations of all public monies & property— as also their
aid by law, to provide for the poor, helpless, and infirm; and such
ought to be the principles and execution of your poor laws, that
while misery finds an asylum, which it has not yet done in our
parish, vice and idleness shall be repressed.

However mild and paternal the government of a free people
must always be, the commencement of war will bring upon the —
people the commencement of a system of direct taxes. All that a
candid representative, faithful to your interests, and to the dearer
interests still, if possible, of his country, could promise on this
subject, is to render such system tolerable, the least exceptionable,
and that the end shall, with an equal balance, be apportioned to
the means of each one of the community.

To arrive at a prompt, but honorable termination of the war
in which our country is engaged, and for that object to support, as
in peace, the measures of the general government, and the prin-
ciples of the federal union, are cardinal points of our national
compass, from which I am confident you will never find me to vary.
Lastly, fellow citizens, if honored with a majority of your votes,
I swear to enter and remain in your senate, a faithful organ and
interpreter of your sentiments and situation, and that my own
individual independence will extend no further than not to become
a tool to man, faction or party.

FULWAR SKIPWITH
Montesano, 30th August, 1812. |

Je

The West Florida Revolution of 1810 199

September 1. Since closing the foregoing address to you,
fellow citizens, I learn from correct sources, that reports are indus-
triously circulated in the town of Baton Rouge, of my intriguing
with the Legislature for the removal of the seat of government
to this place, (Montesano.) As I add this article from a sick bed,
I shall only, for the present, say, that no falsehood can be more
gross, and, that, if on getting about, I find any real importance
attached to such fabricated stories, by the good people of Baton
Rouge, I will undeceive them by procuring the most irrefragable
proofs to the contrary.

Memorial to Congress on Land Claims?’

We the Undersigned Inhabitants of West Florida, State of
Louisiana, so deeply interested in the speedy adoption of perma-
nent & uniform principles for the regulation & final adjustment
of our land claims,?** most respectfully submit such facts & obser-
vations as we humbly conceive may be deemed useful by your
honorable Body in legislating on the subject of land claims in
general in this Section of our State.

We consider it a waste of your attention, which we humbly
solicit, to dwell on that description of land claims, though in many
cases not formally complete in their titles, which are derived &
held from former European Governments & Authorities, before
the United States acquired a claim to this portion of our State,
late W. Florida.— Good faith, policy, & the known liberality of
our Genl. Government are each a sufficient pledge to us & to our
fellow Citizens at large of this State, that, Congress will adopt
& pursue a system according to its original spirit, which taught
even some of the most despotic Monarchies of Europe to grant
gratis, nay with premiums of encouragement, to the hardy &
industrious hand of labour, those portions of our soil, which we

258 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

259 Congress really did nothing regarding land claims in West Florida until after the
purchase of both East and West Florida from Spain in 1819-1821. On March 3, 1819, an
act of Congress was passed recognizing land claims that were actually occupied and improved
according to the Spanish regulations after the treaty of San Ildefonso. The amount of land
in each holding was limited to 640 acres, but this did not interfere with those titles which
originated during the years that Great Britain owned the territory, and ratified by Spain
after 1783. No holdings were to be recognized unless they were occupied before April 15, 1813,
the date of the surrender of Mobile to the United States. For some time Fulwar Skipwith
acted as receiver for the land office for all land west of the Pearl river. These disputes,
legislation, recommendations, and confusion regarding land titles prevailed for more than
a dozen years after the acquisition of the territory, and as a result the problems of
settlement and defense were pronty retarded. The complicated eee claims, conventionists
claims, French claims, English claims, and squatter claims complicated the problem.—United
States Statutes at Large, III, 528-532; Cox, West Florida Controversy, 306, 416, 494, 498,
553, 572, 584, 597, 602, 640, 641-644. .

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are reclaiming under every privation at the daily expence of our
lives, for the comforts & support of our Posterity.

In invoking the attention of Congress to this important subject
which embraces our past perils & labours as well as our future
interests & hopes, we beg leave to dwell at greater length on that
description of claims which more immediately concern us, which
are founded alone on settlements made under the sufferance of
the Spanish Government but a few years prior to the United States
taking possession of the Country; the only origin, indeed, of what
may be called, the claims of the People of Florida.

The most of us at (that) time, with our infant Families, unable
to purchase land at Congress prices, could not hesitate to avail
ourselves of the tacit consent of the Spanish Government, and
settled on the unoccupied & wild lands of W. Florida, always
expecting from the singular importance of this particular portion
of Country to the United States, even before their acquisition of
Louisiana, that we should become annexed to our beloved Country,
& from our population, improvements, & political attachments,
would soon prove to her, as we have already done, a useful barrier
against both her domestic & Foreign Enemies. In return we look,
therefore, no less to the true interests & policy than to the liberality,
of the United States for a donation of one section of land in favor
of all or their lawful assigning who first made settlements under
the Spanish Governments, up to the final evacuation of Mobile by
the Spanish Troops.— Our Brethren of the Mississippi Territory
have already experienced a similar encouragement at the hands
of the Genl. Government. We cannot suppose it will be denied us.
Petition of the Inhabitants of W. Florida, State of Louisiana, for
adoption of permanent and uniform principles of adjustment of
land claims.

Memorial to Legislature on Local Government?

The Inhabitants, Free holders, of the Parish of East Baton
Rouge, with great deference & respect, beg leave to represent to
the honorable the Legislature of the State, that, under the Insti-
tution & organization of Parish Juries, they cannot find, in the
public transactions of their Parish, consistency of acts, uniformity
of principles, or, consequently, impartial & equal justice in the

260 West Florida Papers, Library of Congress.

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The West Florida Revolution of 1810 201

administration thereof.— But they have found misapplication &
defalcation of the Parish funds, public tolls exacted on the high
roads without Legislative authority, arbitrary regulations imposing
exclusive & oppressive burthens of labour on one Ward in par-
ticular, to the exemption of all others; & they continue to find,
though each year so heavily taxed both in money & labour, the
public roads & bridges almost impassible, no provision of arrange-
ments for the aged and infirm;— & lastly, Memorialists expect
always to exercise, under the existing system of police Adminis-
tration, the ever changing scene of each succeeding Jury revoking
the proceedings of the other, & consequently never ceasing confusion
and embarrassment in their Parish concerns.

Memorialists are sensible that in times past & under other
forms of General Government, Parish Juries may have been more
suitable to the genius, habits, & local circumstances of the People;
but when, under the present entire change of things, they view
the enormous expence of the Parish system of Government, its
imperfect responsibility, its insufficiency to carry into effect its
own operations, its tendency to accumulate unnecessary formalities
& expences, & lastly when they view the high & various powers
exercised by one, the Parish Judge alone, Memorialists cannot
but deeply regret the existance of a system, which loses so much
by comparison with the harmony, simplicity, & efficacy of the
County Court system established generally throughout the other
States of the Union.

Wherefore, Memorialists do humbly, but confidently, remon-
strate against the present system of administering Parish Justice,
& pray that the honorable the Legislature in their wisdom may be
induced to devise & adopt another system more conducive to the
welfare & interests of the People.

Petition of Inhabitants of East Baton Rouge for the abolishment
of Parish Juries.

Skipwith to Claiborne?

I beg you not to consider it intrusive in me at this serious
moment of internal & external danger to hazard my individual
opinion on the subject of him who should be placed as Coll. at the
Though this letter was written in 1814, on the
eve of the British invasion of Louisiana.—Editor, Louisiana Historical Quarterly. :

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head of the late requisition of 1000 men from our State.— With no
injurious allusions to any one Regemental Colonel among us, but
two of whom I have the slightest knowledge of, the standing, the
fitness, the truest knowledge which every Floridian have of the
solderly traits, which distinguish the character & disposition of
Brigadier Genl. McCausland,” & the information which I have
received that he would not hesitate to wave his rank in order to
face the dangers which threaten us; induces me to make you this
communication in order that if receiving the subject in the light
I do, you should be able to reconcile the matter to the feelings &
approbation of our Colonels of Militia, your choice of a Chief to
lead this Quota of Militia now embodying may devolve on Genl
McCausland who I am confident at the head of this portion of his
former companions in arms who partake of his excellent mettle
will & have that Militia of Louisiana, can & will fight. |

Col. Hicky I am persuaded from domestic circumstances ought
not nor cannot take the field.— My friend Coll. Caldwell whom
I am sure would do honor to the field I think might not be spared
from our approaching Legislature—

I felicitate you & the state on this late atchievments at Mobille
& Barrataria.*®* They eclipse, it appears to me, the whole efforts
of the trained Bands of the District of Columbia & its vicinities
in defiance of the Capital of the United States.

To Monsieur Skipwith Judge Baton Rouge Louisiana

(Copy of Skipwith’s letter to Govr Claiborne recommending Genl.
McCausland) 2%

262 Major Robert McCausland assured cooperation for and commanded the Springfield
Grenadiers in the West Florida revolution.—Arthur, West Florida, 111, 119.

268 Barataria Bay is seventy miles west of the mouth of the Mississippi. The Baratarians
were privateers. They sailed from Guadaloupe under French licences, but England captured
that island in 1810. When the licences expired they procured new ones from the new republic
of Carthagena. From the island Grand Terre they sold their prizes; even the best people of
Louisiana traded with them; and the leaders of New Orleans and some of the government
officials favored them. Governor Claiborne sent several expeditions against them, but the
pirates soon returned. Neither Wilkinson nor Flournoy did anything, but when Jackson
arrived at New Orleans, he proceeded against them. Jean Lafitte, who had been a French
blacksmith, was their leader. In 1814 the British commander Lockyer offered Lafitte a
great reward if he would join the British. He offered to join the United States; sent the
letters from the British to Governor Claiborne; and said that if he and his band were not
pardoned and allowed to fight for the United States, they would burn their goods and sail
away. The American troops were sent against them, but the Lafitte followers escaped with_
most of their booty. Lafitte and his band soon returned to Cat Island; after an interview,
with him, Jackson was greatly impressed with Lafitte’s ability; and took his band into the
army. At the battle of New Orleans they fought bravely; and they became heroes in
literature.—Bassett, Life of Andrew Jackson, 146, 149-154.

264 Though this statement says that the above letter was one from Skipwith to Claiborne,
the preceding line seems to disprove this and to indicate that it was a letter sent to Skipwith,
perhaps to be forwarded to Claiborne.—Editor, Louisiana Historical Quarterly. .

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THE FIREBRAND AFFAIR: A FORGOTTEN INCIDENT
OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION

By HARRIS GAYLORD WARREN

I

Questions of neutrality were prominent among the problems
which confronted the United States during the first thirty years
of its existence. Many incidents and circumstances developed
which demanded the formulation of some sort of neutral policy
during those years. The Nootka Sound affair raised a serious
issue which, fortunately for the United States, the contesting na-
tions settled amicably. The outbreak of war between England and
France in 1793, the subsequent battle of the decrees, and the crafty
diplomacy of Napoleon all raised questions of neutral rights which
were to end in that tragedy of errors known as the War of 1812.
During this troubled period, American merchants and American
statesmen thought it would be possible to trade with all combatants,
reap the profits of foreign wars, and still avoid becoming entangled
in the European conflict. The whole situation was further com-
plicated by the impetus which Napoleon’s invasion of Spain gave
to revolution in the Spanish-American colonies.

The United States was faced with the possibility of an inva-
sion from New Spain when the War of 1812 broke out. This danger,
arising from the Anglo-Spanish alliance, was exceedingly remote;
but American officials acted in a way to indicate that they would
prefer to prevent such a danger from growing. Spain did not de-
clare war against the United States, but the latter country failed
to observe the obligations of a neutral power in the struggle be-
tween Spain and her colonies. The problem of neutrality was also
bound up with that of expansion. The Floridas and Texas were
objects of American diplomacy for many years before Hidalgo
raised the standard of revolt at Dolores. During 1812 and 1813,
James Monroe gave encouragement to Mexican revolutionary
agents. The Gutiérrez-Magee invasion of Texas in those years
could not have achieved its temporary success without the con-

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204 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

nivance of American officials. American public opinion was over-
whelmingly in favor of the insurgent cause in Mexico and the other
Spanish-American colonies, and Spanish protests against the viola-
tion of neutral obligations fell on deaf ears in Washington. Fili-

_ bustering expeditions were fitted out in American ports and on the
frontiers. American merchants carried on a more or less profitable
trade with the Spanish-American rebels. Madison’s proclamation
of September 1, 1815, was largely ineffective, as was the neutrality
law of 1817. Although the United States did not recognize the in-
dependence of the revolted Spanish colonies until the wars were
practically over, only perfunctory gestures were offered toward
observing neutrality. This policy, due to Spain’s weakened con-
dition, caused little more than violent diplomatic protests; but in
1816 an incident occurred that caused flutters of official excitement
and temporarily raised the bellicose spirit of the American public.
That incident was the Firebrand affair.

II

Lower Louisiana was a paradise for smugglers during the
period of the Jeffersonian Embargo. The region most favored as
headquarters for the motley crew of adventurers was that maze
of swamps and bayous known generally as Barataria. The good
people of Louisiana had no qualms about trading with the Bara-
tarians. “The most respectable inhabitants of the state, especially
those living in the country, were in the habit of purchasing
smuggled goods coming from Barataria.’’? The business of smugg-
ling thrived, and although the end of the Embargo threatened this
prosperous activity, the rise of privateering brought a new lease
of life to the illicit commerce. French, American, and Spanish-
| _ American privateers brought their prizes to Barataria. Auctions
| were held for the sale of prize goods, and merchants, lawyers, and
planters of lower Louisiana became deeply involved in the trade.

Chief among the Baratarians were Pierre and Jean Laffite.
These adventurers rose to a commanding position ,among the
smugglers and privateers through daring, resourcefulness, and the
proper connections in New Orleans. They knew the ‘best’ people
and numbered among their friends and acquaintances such men
as Edward Livingston, John Randolph Grymes, Auguste D’Avezac,

1See A. L. Latour Historical Memoir of the War in West Florida and Louisiana in
- 1814-15, pp. 13-14, for a description of Barataria.

2 Ibid.. p. 15.

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The Firebrand Affair 205

John K. West, and Abner L. Duncan. Governor William C. C. Clai-
borne had reason to be vexed by the flagrant manner in which the
Baratarians disregarded the customs laws. He made efforts to se-
cure money and men for an expedition against the smugglers, but
the legislature failed to support him.* An expedition led by Captain
Holmes failed to dislodge the outlaws in 1812.4 Although the
brothers Laffite were apprehended on November 16, 1812, while
convoying a shipment of smuggled goods,° they were not brought
to trial.

The piratical iiichenent prospered during the ensuing
months. Governor Claiborne issued a resounding proclamation on
March 15, 1813, calling upon officials to apprehend the smugglers
and upon the citizens to abstain from relations with them.® Other
proclamations issued by Claiborne were no more favorably received
than was the first one. The Louisiana legislature refused to take
action, even after a revenue officer was killed while attempting to
interfere with one of the auctions.? Claiborne turned to other
sources, and while the British were making overtures to Jean
Laffite to join in the attack on Louisiana, the governor secured the
cooperation of federal forces for the reduction of Barataria.
Colonel George T. Ross, commanding the forty-fourth regiment,
and Master Commander Daniel T. Patterson, naval commander of
the New Orleans station, agreed to a joint expedition against Bara-
taria.* The enterprise culminated in a successful raid on Septem-
ber 16, 1814.9 Eight schooners, a felucca, and quantities of mer-
chandise fell to the attackers. Ross and Patterson libelled this
property in the United States district court for Louisiana on Octo-
ber 17, 1814.2° One of these schooners was the Dorada which Pat-
terson bought for the United States navy.'! Another of the captured
vessels was the General Bolivar, later called the General .Jackson,
which Abner L. Duncan eventually purchased for his dubious enter-

® Charles Gayarré, ‘‘Historical Sketch of Pierre and Jean Lafitte, the Famous her ny
of Louisiana, 1809-1814,” in The Magazine of American History (October, 1883), X, 290-92.

* National Intelligencer (Washington), October 22, 1814.

5 Diego Morphy to the Captain-General of Cuba, New Orleans, November 27, 1812, Archivo
General de Indias, Papeles Procedentes de Cuba, legajo 1836. Hereafter cited as AGI PC.
All references in this article to despatches of Spanish officials are from the y oe Collection,
Newberry Library, Chicago.

Dunbar Rowland (ed.). Official Books of W. OC. O. Olaiborne 1801-1816, VI,
282-33; Gayarr4é, History of Louisiana. IV, 289-90.

Ibid., IV, 312-15.

8 Claiborne to Jackson. New Orleans, August 21, 1814, John Spencer Bassett (ed.),
Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, VI, 437.

® Morphy to Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, New Orleans, September 19, 1814, AGI PC, leg. 1836.
Morphy was Spanish consul at New Orleans.

10 American State Papers, Naval Affairs, I. 542.

11 Sedella to Apodaca, New Orleans, December 27, 1815, AGI PO, leg. 1815. Fray Antonio
de Sedella was a Spanish priest and an unofficial informer for the Spanish government.

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206 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

prises.!2 The Dorada was renamed Firebrand and placed under the
command of Lieutenant Cunningham. The Firebrand and the

General Jackson were to figure prominently in actions which could
hardly be called neutral.

During the closing months of 1814, the people of New Orleans
were primarily concerned with defending the city against the
British attack. This was also a period in which a number of
prominent fillibusters, pirates, privateers, and Mexican revolution-
ary agents congregated in the city. The Baratarians had been dis-
possessed by Ross and Patterson. José Alvarez de Toledo, who
figured prominently in the invasion of Texas in 1813, had arrived
after the fiasco of a second attempt to invade Texas. Juan Pablo
de Anaya, an agent of the Mexican rebels, was in New Orleans to
secure aid against the royalists. José Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara,
nominal leader of the Gutiérrez-Magee expedition, was also in the
city. These leaders, including the brothers Laffite, took part in
the defence of New Orleans and won a pardon for their past crimes.
But they did not bask in the warmth of public favor. New Spain
was still in revolt against the decadent Spanish monarchy. There
was honor to be won in Mexico, honor and riches for the daring.
Livingston, Patterson, Duncan, D’Avezac, and Grymes were but a
few of the prominent citizens of New Orleans who were willing to
cooperate in what promised to be a lucrative trade with the Mexican
revolutionists.

This choice array of merchants, lawyers, and adventurers con-
sidered many schemes during the following months. A plan was
concocted to invade Florida and take Pensacola.'* Another scheme
was hatched for an attack against Tampico and Texas.'* Toledo
directed his efforts toward gaining the cooperation of the Mexican
Congress, and he sent many letters to Mexico for that purpose.'®
Meanwhile the Spanish minister, Don Luis de Onis, learned that
another expedition was being organized to attack Texas. He pro-
tested to Madison against this violation of neutrality and finally

12 Herrera’s Deposition at Puebla, May 21, 1818, encl. in Apodaca to the Minister of
Hacienda, Mexico. June 26, 1818, Archivo General de Indias, Audiencia de Mexico, 90-2-9,
papeleta 4. no. 1, f. 9. Hereafter cited as AGI AM. |

18 Memorial of Jos4 Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara, encl. in Sedella to Apodaca, New Orleans,
April 22, 1816, AGI PC, leg. 1815: Charles Adams Gulick and Harriet Smither (eds.), The
Papers of Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar, I, 26.

14 Onis to the Viceroy. Philadelphia, May 1, 1815, Archivo General y Ptblico de la
Nacién, Notas DiplomAticas. III, f. 257. Hereafter cited as AGN ND.

15 Copies of these letters are in Archivo General de Indias, Indiferente General de Nueva
Espafia, 136-7-9, passim.

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The Firebrand Affair 207

induced the President to issue a proclamation against the enter-
prise.1° Not satisfied with this gesture, the captain-general of
Cuba hastened to strengthen the squadron patrolling the Gulf.’
Madison’s proclamation of September 1, 1815, could not have
reached New Orleans when Toledo, with several Americans, em-
barked on the Petit Milan with a cargo of arms and supplies for
Boquilla de Piedras.'* Trading with the Spanish-American revolu-
tionists was by no means unusual during this period, but Com-
mander Patterson furnished the Petit Milan with a naval escort in
the form of the Firebrand.

Toledo’s letters to the Mexican Congress had borne fruit, and
one José Manuel de Herrera started for Boquilla de Piedras in July
enroute to New Orleans.”®° While Herrera was on his way to Boquil-
la de Piedras, and while the Petit Milan and the Firebrand were
preparing to sail for the same port, three royal vessels appeared at
Boquilla and engaged five rebel schooners in a five-day battle. Four
of the schooners were destroyed and the victorious royalists sailed
away.*' Herrera appeared at Boquilla about a week after the bat-
tle,2? and on October 6, 1815, his patience was rewarded by the ap-
pearance of the Petit Milan and its escort, the Firebrand.”
Arrangements were made for disposing of the cargo and the Petit
Milan sailed for New Orleans on October 11 with Herrera on
board.2* Herrera’s relations with the shrewd merchant, John K.
West, were anything but happy. He was relieved of most of his
money and then was induced to ask the Mexican Congress for
$100,000.75

The association of merchants, an and revolutionists con-
tinued with their plans for an expedition against New Spain, en-
couraged by the arrival of Herrera. Patterson agreed to send the
Firebrand on another voyage to Mexico with Herrera’s corre-
spondence, returning with despatches and money from the rebel

16 Onis to the Captain-General, Philadelphia, August 14, 1815, encl. no. 1 in Ca ie.
General to Lardizabal y Uribe, Habana, November 7, 1815 (No. 54), AGI PC, leg. 1856
American State Papers. Foreign Relations, IV. 1.

7 Captain-General to the Minister of the Indies, Habana, October 9, 1815 (No. 49),
AGI PO. leg. 1856.

18 Morphy to Apodaca. New Orleans, Se ber 4. 1815, AGI PC, leg. 1836. The Petit
Milan, one of the Baratarian schooners, was property of John K. West at this time, (Jbid.).

1® Morphy to Apodaca, New Orleans, October 2. 1815, ibid.

2° Herrera to General D. Ciriaco del Liano, Puebla, May 13, 1817, AGI AM, 90-2-9,
papeleta 4. no. 2. f. 1.
aie og ag ren to the Minister of the Indies, Habana, October 13. 1815 (No. 51),

23 enn to del Llano, Puebla, May 13. 1817, AGI AM, 90-2-9, papeleta 4, no. 2, f. 1.

2 0 a to the Minister of War, Mexico, December 31, 1815, [Manuel Palacio Fajardo],
Outline of the Revolution in Spanteh America. p. 336.

36 Placa to the Mexican Congress. New Orleans, November 26, 1815, encl. in [Viceroy]
to Onis. Mexico, April 5, 1816, AGN ND. I, re 86 bis-87.

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208 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

government. The Firebrand would cruise off the coast of Vera
Cruz for thirty days waiting for the communications.*® Patterson
also prepared the ketch Surprise for a voyage to Boquilla de
Piedras with arms, a printing press, proclamations, and despatches
urging the Mexican Congress to concentrate on the capture of
Tampico and Vera Cruz.27 The Surprise returned from Boquilla
de Piedras about December 20, 1815, with money for Herrera.**
The Firebrand had also returned from its second trip to Mexico,
and was to go again for despatches and money from the Mexican
Congress.2® The results of this third voyage of the Firebrand were
disappointing, for when it returned from Boquilla on February 20,
1816, it brought only bad news and promises.*°

IV

While Patterson was using the Firebrand as a despatch boat
for the Mexican rebels, Toledo was making efforts to equip the
Baratarian schooner General Bolivar, for service. He had pur-
chased the vessel from Patterson, but when the Firebrand failed
to bring money from the Mexican Congress, Patterson canceled
the contract and sold the vessel to Abner L. Duncan.*! Although
Patterson had refused to send the Firebrand back to Mexico in the
interests of Herrera and Toledo, it was with the Bolivar at Nautla
in May, 1816.*° There is no question that Duncan used the vessel,
sailing as the General Jackson, for trade with the Mexican rebels,
and it is likely that Patterson was to share in the profits.

Toledo sought the king’s pardon after the failure of his many
schemes in New Orleans, but Herrera continued his negotiations
for support from the Louisiana merchants. Louis Aury, the daring
South American naval commander, was collecting a fleet which
would rendezvous at Matagorda. While waiting for Aury to com-
plete his preparations, Duncan sent the Bolivar on another adven-
ture. Morphy was positive that Herrera supplied papers authoriz-
ing the Bolivar to sail as a Mexican privateer.** Patterson again
obliged his friend by sending the Firebrand to convoy the Bolivar
to Boquilla de Piedras. John Randolph Grymes, a former district

26 Thid.. I. ff. 85-86.

27 Morphy to Apodaca, New Orleans, November 20, 1815, AGI PO, leg. 1836.

28 Morphy to the Captain-General, New Orleans, December 27, 1815, AGI PC, leg. 1815.

29 Sedella to Apodaca. New Orleans, December 27, 1815, ibid.

*° Sedella to the Captain-General, New Orleans. February 21, 1816, ibid.

*1 Herrera’s Deposition at Puebla, May 21, 1818, encl. in Apodaca to the Minister of
Hacienda, Mexico, June 26. 1818, AGI AM. 90-2-9, papeleta 4. no. 1, f. 9.

pe Morphy to Apodaca, New Orleans, June 21, 1816 (No. 330 Reservado), AGT PC, leg. 1900.
83 Morphy to Apodaca, New Orleans, July 1, 1816, AGI PO, leg. 1900

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The Firebrand Affair 209

attorney for Louisiana, sailed as supercargo when the Bolivar left
New Orleans on August 13, 1816.°* He was unable to dispose of the
shipment of arms and munitions at Boquilla, so the two vessels set
sail in search of an insurgent port. Near Vera Cruz the Bolivar
captured a private armed schooner,* but its success was not to last
long. Three vessels of the Spanish squadron, including the Diana
and the Cazador, attacked Duncan’s privateer and the Firebrand on
August 27.5 Grymes succeed in escaping to the Firebrand which
proved to be an uncertain refuge.** Lieutenant Cunningham showed
the American flag, but the Spanish commander detained him for
twenty-four hours before allowing him to return to New Orleans.**
The Bolivar, or General Jackson, dismasted and seriously damaged,
may have managed to put in at Mobile.*

The New Orleans associates and the citizens in general were
far from pleased when they learned of the encounter. Colonel
Thomas S. Jessup, commanding the Eighth Army Department,
informed General Jackson that further outrages were certain to
follow. *° The Louisiana Gazette gave an incomplete account of
the affair, and concluded with the statement that

We shall accompany the preceding facts with no observa-
tions; the bare recital is sufficient to arouse the indignation
of every man who has an American heart, or a heart that
spurns cowardice, and its constant associate cruelty. We feel
confident, . . . the officers of the Firebrand . . . never would
dishonor either themselves of their country.*!

Morphy believed that Patterson intended to order out his entire
squadron to search for the Spanish fleet and demand an explana-
tion or bring the offending vessels to port.‘? In view of the circum-
stances, which Patterson knew all too well, such a procedure was
entirely unwarranted; but perhaps Morphy was merely reporting

84 Missouri Gazette (St. Louis). December 21, 1816.
85 Morphy to the Captain-General, New Orleans, December 4, 1816, AGI PO, leg. 1
** Morphy to Cienfuegos, New Orleans, September 17, 1816, ibid. ; Missouri Rae (St.
Louis), December 21. 1816.
87 Morphy to to the Captain-General, New Orleans, December 4, 1816, AGI POC, leg. 1900;
Missourt Gazette (St. Louis), November 9. 1816.
88 National Intelligencer (Wshington). October 15, 1816. At least this was the story that

appeared in the Louisiana Gazette (New Orleans), on September 17, ten days after the Firebrand .

returned from its lesson in how a neutral man-of-war should behave. The report of Cunningham's
trial before the court martial. which acquitted him on November 2, gave September 7 as the
last day of the cruise, (Missouri Gazette. St. Louis, December 21, 1816).
*® Onis to the Captain-General. Philadelphia, November 22. 1816, AGI PC, leg. 1898.
General Jackson was a favorite name for vessels, so perhaps the Bolivar didn’t get back at all.
40 Tessup to Jackson. New Orleans, September 11. 1816, Weekly Recorder (Chillecothe,
Ohio). October 2. 1816.
41 National Intelligencer (Washington), October 15, 1816, from the Lowisiana Gazette
(New Orleans), September 17, 1816.
2 Morphy to Cienfuegos, New Orleans, September 17, 1816, AGI PO, leg. 1900.

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arumor. A letter appeared in New Orleans papers on September
17 calling a meeting at Maspero’s Coffee House to express indigna-
tion at the insult to the flag, to request Claiborne to bring the
militia to full strength, and to ask the Department of War to pre-
_ pare for hostilities.** The call for a meeting was esepemes on Sep-
tember 18:

There is little doubt that in consequence of an unexampled
outrage upon the national flag, and the measures of retaliation
adopted by the naval commander on the New Orleans station,
our country is on the eve of a war. It is proposed, therefore,
that a meeting of the citizens of New Orleans be held on Thurs-
day [September 19] at 11 o’clock, at Maspero’s Coffee House,
in order to express, in a respectful address to the executive of
the United States, our indignation at the outrage committed
upon our flag, and our readiness to support the government in
such measures as it may take in order to obtain satisfaction
for the same.*

The indignation meeting was well attended by pirates, lawyers,
curiosity seekers, and young men.*® Approximately two hundred
persons crowded into the Coffee House to sympathise with Abner
L. Duncan, owner of the Bolivar. John R. Grymes, who possessed
an ample store of first-hand information, presided. The delibera-
tions, if they may be called such, resulted in several resolutions.
The attack was called a cowardly insult to American honor and
must be expiated by recourse to arms if necessary. Spain’s attempt
to restrict freedom of navigation was ridiculous, and the cession of
any part of Louisiana would be resisted. Grymes, Duncan, and
D’ Avezac were selected to present the resolutions to the President.*¢

War fever ran high in Philadelphia when news of the affair
came in October.*7 Onis saw with alarm that stories of the encount-
er “had been published and extended in the newspapers . . . with
such vehemence and acrimony, that the spirit of the most peaceful
inhabitants of this country has been aroused against Spain and they
cry out for a declaration of war.’’** General Jackson revealed blunt-
ly his desire as to how the ‘insult’ should be avenged. He wrote to
Edward Livingston:

43

Ibid.
4* National Intelligencer (aaa). October 17, 1816.
‘8 Morphy to Cienfuegos, New Orleans. September 25, 1816. AGI PC, leg. 1900. Morphy
would naturally report the meeting in as unfavorable a light as possible.
46 Onis to the on, -General, Philadelphia, October 19, 1816, AGI PO, B... 1898. There
was no logical connection, of course, between the treaty negotiations and the Fireband affair.
£7 Onis to the Captain-General, Philadelphia, October 13, 1816, ibid.
*8 Onis to the Captain-General, Philadel October 19, 1816. ibid.

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The Firebrand Affair 211

I was sorry to hear that any communication had been
made on this subject to Gover’t untill Comodore Patterson had
sunk those three Spanish vessels—for if it was an unauthorized
attack by Spain, it ought to have been repelled by another un-
authorized act by U.S. If authorized by the govt. of Spain, it
was an act of war, and aught to be met as such. I hope in this,
my friend the Commodore will take every responsibility neces-
sary to wipe from our flag the stain it has recd. there is but
one way and that is by sinking one or all of those vessels and
then reporting the circumstance to our government.*®

Onis feared that the resolutions adopted in New Orleans by the com-
mittee which petitioned Congress, might be taken seriously and he
asked the Secretary of State for an official account." But an
article in the National Intelligencer was the nearest approximation
to an official explanation that was ever offered. According to
private information, it was learned that the Firebrand was convoy-
ing a munitions-laden vessel bound for the Mexican insurgents,
“and that the character of the U. S. schooner was such, notwith-
standing her colours, as to be mistaken for a Carthagenian or in-
surgent vessel.’®! Although Onis thought that the people of the
United States might see in the Firebrand affair a cause for a war
of aggrandizement, he was convinced that the federal authorities
wanted peace. The inability of three Spanish corvettes to capture
the disabled Bolivar caused Onis so much chagrin® that he was
willing to let the matter drop when the Department of State de-
clined to make a public statement.** President Monroe closed the
incident with a face-saving mention of the ‘insult’ in his message of
December 3, 1816."

V

The attitude of the people of lower Louisiana toward the
smugglers of Barataria was shown clearly by the legislature’s re-
fusal to authorize an expedition against their establishment. One
reason for this attitude was the general belief that the Baratarians |
directed their activities against Spanish shipping. After Claiborne
finally succeeded in destroying the illegal business, vessels used
in privateering and piracy continued in service as despatch and
: ‘® Jackson to Edward wot, Nashville, October, 24, 1816, Basset (ed.), Oorrespon:
dence of Andrew Jackson, V1,

5° Onis to the Captain- General. “Philadelphia, a 19. 1816, AGI PC, leg. 1898.
51 Columbian Centinel (Boston), October 23.
52 Onis to the Captain-General., 1, 1816, leg. 1898.

53 Onis to the Captain at iladelphia, November 22, 1816
54 Annales of XXX. 1

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supply boats for the Mexican insurgents. Two of these vessels
were involved in the Firebrand affair which was the result of a
flagrant violation of the obligations of a neutral power.

The Firebrand affair was only an incident in the Mexican
revolution, but it revealed the attitude of American officials and
civilians toward that struggle. Patterson, of course, was not justi-
fied in using an American vessel to convoy shipments of contraband
to the Mexican rebels and to carry messages from New Orleans to
their government. The encounter of the Bolivar and the Firebrand
with Spanish warships was to be expected, although the Spanish
naval forces in the Gulf were very weak. The reaction to that
encounter in New Orleans was typical of a people whose sympathies
were with the insurgents, and who were not justified in trying to
conceal unneutral acts in the shadow of the American flag. The
-Firebrand affair was one in which the United States was clearly
in the wrong, but Spain was unable to press her legal advantage.

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DOCUMENTS RELATING TO GEORGE GRAHAM’S

PROPOSALS TO JEAN LAFFITE FOR THE
OCCUPATION OF THE TEXAS COAST

- Translated and edited by HARRIS GAYLORD WARREN

INTRODUCTION

The following documents consist of a despatch from the
Spanish Minister to the United States, Don Luis de Onis, to the Cap-
tain-General of Cuba, dated at Washington, November 25, 1818,
with four enclosures. The covering despatch submits Pierre
Laffite’s proposals to the Captain-General, with a postscript which
is apparently the only written statement of Graham’s suggestion to
Jean Laffite for the occupation of the Texas coast. Enclosure No.
1 is a statement of Pierre Laffite’s proposals to Onis whereby the
brothers Laffite may continue in the service of Spain. Enclosure
No. 2 is the reply in which Onis gave his general approval of
Pierre’s plans, promised to submit them to the Captain-General,
and hinted that Pierre should leave Washington in order to avoid
suspicion. Enclosure No. 3 contains the substance of Graham’s
inquiry to Jean Laffite as to the latter’s authority for occupying
Galveston Island. Enclosure No. 4 is the letter from V. Garrot,
Pierre Laffite’s agent in the negotiation with De Forest, report-
ing progress in arrangements with the Buenos Aires government
for participating in the Galveston establishment. Enclosures 1, 2,
and 4 were written in French and translated into Spanish at
Havana. The present editor has translated them from the Spanish.
This dual translation, as well as the copying at Washington and
Havana, will be recognized as productive of errors. Pierre Laffite’s
French was poor and his Spanish worse.

These documents are from the remarkable collection of tran-
scripts in the Ayer Collection, Newberry Library, Chicago.

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214 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

TEXT OF THE DOCUMENTS ©
Most Excellent. Lord. |

I remit to Your Excellency a copy of the propositions which
No. 13 [Pierre Laffite] has presented to me, now offering his serv-
ices in the manner that Your Excellency will perceive by your read-
ing, and [a copy] of my reply in which I offer to convey them to
Your Excellency.

This subject [Pierre Laffite] seems to act in good faith; and
in regard to the importance and feasibility of what he proposes,
Your Excellency will judge as your superior understanding and
knowledge of the present condition of those places dictates.

Moreover, I enclose for Your Excellency the copies of two let-
ters, of which one is a translation of that which Major Grahan
[Graham] wrote to No. 13 [Jean Laffite], who was in agreement
with the brothers L’ Allemand, and the other is written to the same!’ |
by one Garrot, former secretary of Brion, later judge of the pre-
tended admiralty court of Galveztown and now the emissary of
the said brothers L’Allemand.

Whatever reflections I might make on the contents of both
would be superfluous, and they cannot evade Your Excellency’s
superior discernment, especially for the part that I judge they must
bear relative to the better performance of Your Excellency’s im-
portant office.

Consequently I believed it my duty to send them to Your Ex-
cellency for the purposes which have been indicated, adding to
Your Excellency that it appears to me conducive and useful
[cipher] favoring them [cipher], since there is no doubt that they
are able to serve us considerably in these cimcumstances.

Since No. 137, whom we have formerly identified as [cipher],
is known in New Orleans by so many persons who have participated
in the confidential commission, conferred by Your Excellency on
the consul of that city,? we have agreed to change his No. to 19 and
I so advise Your Excellency for your information.

God keep Your Excellency many years.—Washington, Novem-

1 Onis was in error in reporting Garrot’s letter as having been directed to ‘the same’, who
would be Jean Laffite. The letter obviously was sent to Pierre, who in turn gave it to Onis.
Pierre probably sent or took a copy to Jean.

2 Pierre Laffite was known as No. 13-uno and his brother Jean as No. 13-dos.
' * Felipe Fatio arrived in New Orleans early in May, 1817, with a commission as consul and
instructions to cooperate with the brothers Laffite. if he saw fit, in a scheme to rid the Gulf of
privateers (Fatio to Cienfuegos. New Orleans, May 24, 1817, Archivo General de Indias, Papeles
ieee de Cuba, legajo 1900. Transcript in the Ayer Collection, Newberry Library,

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Documents Relating to Graham’s Proposals to Laffite 215

ber 25, 1818—Most Excellent Lord—Luis de Onis—Rubric—Most
Excellent Lord, Captain-General of the Island of Cuba.

P.S. I have just learned that No. 19 [Jean Laffite] asked Major
Graham what authority he possessed to question him; and having
replied to him that he [Graham] was sent by the Government of
the United States, [Jean Laffite] invited him to his house and held
a conversation in which [Graham] proposed that, joining with
Aury and arriving at an agreement with General L’ Allemand, [Jean
Laffite] should endeavor to hold that point [Galveston] against
the Spaniards if they came to attack it.

No. 19 promised it in order to permit him [Graham], as he
says, to explain himself further; and then Graham revealed the
project of the United States to aid them to take possession suc-
cessively of all the points of the coast up to the Rio del Norte [Rio
Grande], and permitting their delivery to the United States which
would make the gesture of attacking them, and that for this he
would offer, and this Government [the United States] would assure
them very considerable compensations.

No. 19 promised everything provided that they could agree
with one another to form a plan of execution.—There is a rubric.

(Accompanying the foregoing)

No. 1 Projects and propositions made by No. 13 [Pierre Laffite]
- to His Excellency the Sefior de Onis, Minister Plenipotentiary of
His Catholic Majesty.
ARTICLE 1. If the Spaniards should be in the Port of Galveston,
I offer to His Excellency to have taken to that port at the proper
time, the supplies and other articles that may be and are necessary,
in spite of the crowd of corsairs who in that case would not fail to
cruise upon those places in order to capture the vessels of the
Spanish State and commerce; for this purpose, and notwithstand-
ing the obstacles that the Americans may interpose, I am suffi-
ciently able, as I have said above, to provision that port, whether in
arms, food, or military supplies, as may be judged advisable.

ARTICLE 2. In case the Americans should be the ones who have
taken possession of the fort,* I offer to His Excellency all my serv-
ices and to try to evict them, through my own resources and the
assistance that may be given to me for that [purpose], taking the
most advisable measures in all circumstances.

by the French exiles shortly cageeet Beye Galveston.

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216 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

No doubt [being cast upon] what I have promised [to Gra-
ham], it should prove easy to put myself in the number of the
party of Americans, but having no other aim than that of serving
His Catholic Majesty.

ARTICLE 8. As it is probable that in any event, the corsairs will
lose the place of their rendezvous in this part of Galveztown, and
consequently the means of introducing their prizes and of selling
their merchandise, His Excellency cannot doubt that they should
fail to find a place in the Floridas for that purpose, even though the
Americans should have bad luck in their project, and in this case I
offer to His Excellency to find a method of capturing all the cor-
sairs that cruise in the Gulf. _

ARTICLE 4. I have the honor to ask His Excellency’s consent, if
he deem it advisable, to remain in Washington to treat with him
about my plans and others that may comport to the interest of his
Government, in order to discover from the Americans what may be
their plans and plots, in order to instruct His Excellency at once
for providing the measures that may be necessary.

ARTICLE 5. _ If in any case my services may be acceptable to His
Excellency, he may employ me for any purpose of which he may
judge me capable, praying him to believe that I shall never deviate
from the line of conduct which I ought to follow and which duty to
the cause imposes on me; and I ask His Excellency [that I may]
treat directly with him, or with a single person who may be honored
with his confidence, without the concourse of other persons whose
imperfect understanding ordinarily disrupts every project.®

It is also advisable that my number be changed, and that the
greater part of those who knew it will learn that I am no more con-
cerned in any of the affairs of His Catholic Majesty.—Health, re-
spect and obedience.—No. 13.

It conforms to the original in the French language to which
I refer.—Habana, December 29, 1818—Luis Payne—Rubric.

No. 2 Copy of the reply of the Most Excellent Lord, Don Luis de
Onis to the propositions of No. 13, now No. 19.

The Cavalier de Onis has read with great attention the propo-
sitions and plans that No. 19 has just remitted to him, about what
he promises and judges advisable to do in the Port of Galvezton and

® This reference may be to the Viceroy, Apodaca, who was always hostile to the brothers

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Documents Relating to Graham’s Proposals to Laffite 217

in that part of America in favor of His Catholic Majesty, and that
he finds said propositions reasonable, and that they may be very
useful to Spain.

Consequently, the Cavalier will hasten to sintearen the Captain-
General of Habana, who will without doubt take it under considera-
tion, conferring with the Cavalier about measures and the oppor-
tunity to put them into effect.

Giving thanks to No. 19 for the offer of his personal services
in this Capital, the Cavalier de Onis not only judges that they are
not actually necessary until learning the opinion of the Chief of
the Island of Cuba, but also that his presence here would give rise
to suspicions. He presents his friendly salutation to No. 19.—
Washington, November 21, 1818—lIt is a copy—A rubric.

It conforms to the original in the French language to which
I refer—Habana, December 29, 1818—Luis Payne—Rubric.

No. 3 Translation of a letter from the Major of the United States
Army, George Graham to No. 19. .

Galvezton, August 26, 1818.—My dear Sir. I have an order
from my Government to address myself to your honor for the pur-
pose [of asking] that you declare explicitly by the authority of
what nation you have occupied the possession [sic] and Port of
Galvezton; or if it has been done without it; and also to com-
municate to you that the Government of the United States, having
title to the country between the Sabine and the Rio Brabo del Norte
[Rio Grande], will not allow an establishment of any kind between
these rivers, and especially one of the type so > dubious as that which
at present exists in that place.

I have the honor to be with due respect, your obedient serv-
ant—George Graham—lIt is a copy—Rubric.

It is a copy—Juan Antonio Lopez—Rubric.

No. 4 [V. Garrot’s arrangements with David C. De Forest relative
to George Graham’s proposals to Jean Laffite].

Philadelphia, November 17, 1818.

I have had, my dear friend, the pleasure of writing to you with
Mr. Viales, and of sending a letter that I received for you.

Today I hasten to inform you that I was presented yesterday

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218 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

to Mr. De Forest,! Consul General of Buenos Ayres, and with whom
I have had a conference this morning, from which I am returning.
Mr. Courcier, who informed me of his arrival and who present-
ed himself to me, had the goodness to be my interpreter, since that
gentlemen [De Forest] does not speak French. We left his house
together. I shall give you an account of my conversation for your
guidance. |
) I gave him Mr. Graham’s letter which asks him [De Forest] ©
to give you [Pierre Laffite] the flag with the despatches from
Buenos Aires, besides naming the principal authorities which con-
sist of the general or military commandant, the persons who are
to form the admiralty court, and the customs administrator, in case
due to the force of circumstances, you would be obliged to evacuate
Galveston and to form another establishment.

The American Government claims as a part of its territory all
the coast that extends from the Sabine to the Rio Grande.

For my part it would be desired that Mr. Grahan [sic] had
not introduced these details; but it is only right to do justice to
his intention, and I am persuaded that it was good.

Following this information, he then told me he was fully au-
thorized by his Government to satisfy all the requests I was au-
thorized to make of him; soon he asked me, Upon what point of
the Spanish possessions you had planned to form this establish-
ment? |

I answered that nothing had yet been resolved on this point,
that an operation of such importance would require mature delib-
eration, that I presumed your attention would be attracted more
particularly to the Gulf, or to the Island of Majer [Mujeres], that
about the rest nothing could be told him for certain; that if he was
able to obtain from the President [the promise] that the seizure
[of Galveston] would be postponed for only a year, during this
time one would be occupied in selecting a convenient port.

He promised to make the request, [and then] he asked that I
tell him how many boats you had to arm. I told him six. He asked
me the names of the boats; I told him that they had none yet be-

1 David C. De Forest was commissioned as consul general for the United Provinces of South
America by Director Pueyrredon. He applied for recognition from the United States in May
1818, but Adams refused to receive him. The request was renewed on December 9, 1818, and
was again refused. (Report of John cy Adams, Department of State, January 28, 1819,
transmitted by James Monroe to the House of Representatives, January 30, 1819, American
State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 413). Garrot has been difficult to identify satisfactorily.
Beverly Chew mentioned a V. Garros as an ex-judge of admiralty at Galveston (Chew to Craw-
ford, [New Orleans], August 30, 1817, ibid., IV, 185.) The ‘V’ might stand for Vicente.

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Documents Relating to Graham’s Proposals to Laffite 219

cause all were prizes made from Spaniards, and at the time of my
departure were being repaired, equipped, armed, &.

It appears to me that he is guided by the best intentions and
insisted strongly that I accompany him to Baltimore, because
nothing could be done without consulting with Mr. Thomas Ten-
ante! who is there; I confess to you that if I had had the money I
would have gone with him; but I know very well how dangerous is
the revelation of poverty, consequently I protested that, being in
charge of your affairs here, I could not leave Philadelphia without
completing them or receiving a letter from you.

He spoke much of you. He has the greatest desire to see you.
You will have no need for an interpreter, since he speaks Spanish;
he is persuaded that General [Charles] Lallemand will accept the
military command, and Mr. Courcier is charged with taking ac-
count of this in the conferences with your brother.

Apparently he attributes considerable forces to you since he
observed to me that in joining Mr. Aury it would be possible for you
to take possession of Puerto Rico or Santo Domingo.

On the first point I told him that Puerto Rico was of major
importance; in regards to Santo Domingo, admitting that the con-
quest would be very easy, it would be difficult to hold, because the
Haitians had for a long time been tormented by the desire to be
owners of all of Santo Domingo, and that they would not permit
a new establishment in their vicinity. Should they [the privateers]
be extended over a less wide area, they would be able to undertake
more important enterprises.

Read well, my dear friend, everything that I am making known
to you.

Mr. de Forest will leave for Baltimore the 19th or 20th. He
should remain there two or three days. The success of our steps
depends upon the result of his conversations with Mr. Thomas
Tenante. From there he will go to Washington. It is important
that you be there, and do not lose sight of my replies to the dif-
ferent questions he has put to me.

Goodby my dear friend, my compliments &—Garrot.

It is acopy. A rubric.

It conforms to its original in the French language to which I
refer.—Habana, December 29, 1818—Luis Payne—Rubric.

1 Thomas Tenant was a Baltimore merchant whose advertisements in the Reape vcacte Federal
Republican in 1811 revealed him as a dealer in dry goods. He resigned his commission as
major in the Maryland militia in 1812 (Federal Republican, February 6, 1812). The present
writer is indebted to Mr. Stanley Faye. Aurora, Illinois, for this ide ntification.

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THE HISTORY OF THE CITY OF CARROLLTON*

By WILTON P. LEDET

FOREWORD

Commenting on the City of New Orleans in the year 1887,
Charles Dudley Warner wrote: “On a breezy day one may go far
for a prettier sight than the river-bank and esplanade at Carrollton,
where the mighty coffee-colored flood swirls by, where the vast
steamers struggle and cough against the stream, or swiftly go with
it round the bend, leaving their trail of smoke, and the delicate line
of foliage against the sky on the far opposite shore completes the
outline of an exquisite landscape.”! The City of Carrollton had
been annexed to New Orleans thirteen years before, but the name
was perpetuated. The city government had lost its separate identity
from that of the great Southern Metropolis, but until today that
section of the city bounded by the river, Lower Line, Pontchartrain
Boulevard, North Line and Monticello Avenue is known as Car-
rollton.

Carrollton as an appendage of New Orleans retains nothing of
the City of Carrollton of former days with the exception of a very
few buildings and some familiar names of streets. “From being
a rather far-away and scattering suburb it has come to be one
of the best built and most attractive parts of the city, and with
numerous car lines reaching it, not a far-away place any longer
for by electric car a half-hour will be time enough to reach any
part, and by the Tulane Belt cars the rear portion is much nearer
to the center of the city, while the St. Charles Avenue Belt cars
carry passengers through the most splendid residence parts of the
city in going to the former independent city.’

The modern Carrollton has undergone a remarkable develop-
ment in buildings and public improvements and has attracted
especial attention to that part of the city forming the Seventh
District. It has furnished the location for the large city water

* Master’s Thesis in History, Tulane University, 1937.

Charles Dudley Warner, ‘‘New Orleans’, Harper's Magazine, LXXIV (1887),
2 Times-Picayune, March 13, 1916.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 221

plant at its upper extremity. Several beautiful school buildings
have been erected. One of them, however, Mc Donogh School No.
23, on Carrollton Avenue, was built as a courthouse for Carrollton
and the Parish of Jefferson in 1855. Business interests have found
a place on Oak Street which today with its bank and numerous.
commercial establishments has become the business section of
Carrollton. Along Carrollton Avenue are located the Mater
Dolorosa Church, the Episcopal and the Methodist churches. Car-
roliton is proud of all these improvements but prouder yet of its
beautiful residences surrounded by trees, flowers, and other plants.
It still remains the favorite place for evening drives.

CHAPTER I—HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Over two hundred and fifty years ago Sieur de La Salle,
standing on a high spot of ground at a short distance from the
bank of the mighty Mississippi River near its mouth, pronounced.
the words:

... In the name of the most high, mighty, invincible, and vic-
torious Prince, Louis the Great, by the Grace of God, King of
France and of Navarre, the Fourteenth of that name, this
ninth day of April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two,
I, in virtue of the commission of his Majesty which I hold in
my hand, and which may be seen by all whom it may concern,
have taken, and do take, in the name of his Majesty and of
his successors to the crown, possession of the country of
Louisiana....2

France was now in possession of the vast area which La Salle
called the Province of Louisiana in honor of Louis XIV, then king.
It comprised all the land which drained into the Mississippi River.

In the early part of the eighteenth century several attempts
were made to colonize the Province. On September 24, 1712, the
King of France signed the letters patent which stated:

. . . we by these presents, signed by our own hand, have
appointed and do appoint the said Sieur Crozat solely to carry
on a trade in all the lands possessed by us, and bounded by
’ New Mexico, and by the lands of the English of Carolina, all
the establishments, ports, havens, rivers, and principally the
port and haven of the Isle of Dauphine, heretofore called

a *B. F. French, editor and translator, Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part I (1846),

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222 The Louisiana H istorical Quarterly

Massacre; the river of St. Lewis, heretofore called Mississippi,
from the edge of the sea as far as the Illinois; together with
the River of St. Philip, heretofore called the Missouri, and
of St. Jerome, heretofore called Ouabache, with all the coun-
tries, territories, lakes within land, and the rivers which fall
directly or indirectly into that part of the river St. Louis.*

Crozat’s enterprise did not prove a successful one and on
August 23, 1717, the resignation which he had willingly offered
was accepted. The very next month a Patent was signed by the
king forming the Western Company and placing the Province of
Louisiana under its control. It read as follows:

... We have thought fit, for the good of our service and the

advantage of both colonies, to establish a company capable

of upholding their trade and of undertaking the different

species of husbandry and plantations that may be established

there, . . . we have said, determined and ordained, do say,
_ determine and ordain, it is our will and pleasure.

I. That there be formed, by virtue of these present letters,
a trading company by the style of Western Company, in which
it shall be allowed to all our subjects, of whatever rank and
quality they may be, as well as to all other companies formed
or to be formed, and to all bodies and corporations, to take an
interest for such sum or sums as they may think fit, and they
shall not, on account of the said engagements, be considered
as having degraded their titles, quality, or nobility ....

II. We grant to the said Company, for the space of twenty-
five years, beginning from the day of the registration of these
patent letters, the exclusive right of trading, in our province
and government of Louisiana, and also the privilege of re-
ceiving, to the exclusion of all persons, in our Colony of Canada,
from the first day of J _ 1718, until and including the
last of 1742.

VII. The said PRES: shall be free to cm and give away

the lands granted to her for whatever quit or ground rent
she may think fit, and even to grant them in freehold, without
jurisdiction or seigniory....

(Signed) Louis.®

The newly formed company issued numerous concessions of
land. On March 27, 1719, Sieur de Bienville was granted “A tract

4 Ibid., Part III (1851), 39.
5 Ibid., 49-59.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 223

situated above and at the boundary of New Orleans, facing the ©
Mississippi river, running in depth to the west, a fourth northwest
to the Mississippi in the bend below the Tchoupitoulas.’’®

This included all the land between the present Bienville Street,
Southport (above Carrollton), the Mississippi and Claiborne Ave-
nue.* He had likewise secured a tract on the right bank of the
river. A royal decree was issued on November 7, 1719,° which
forbade the Commander General, First Lieutenant and Intendant
to own plantations for fear that they might monopolize the com-
merce. These officers were permitted to hold “vegetable gardens”
only. Bienville designated two large areas as his gardens, one on
the right bank of the river and the other immediately above New
Orleans extending from Bienville Street to about Felicity Road,
from the river to the present Claiborne Avenue.’ This left outside
his “garden” a large tract between Felicity Road and the present
site of Southport. The section was let out in concessions to settlers
from whom he collected annual ground rent in money and products
and sometimes in manual labor.?°®

According to Deiler, Bienville settled several German families
on the land. He mentions one “Johann Weber, the progenitor of
the ‘Weber’ families in Louisiana, with six arpents near the upper
limits of Bienville’s lands, now Carrollton.”"! By 1727 the Germans
had left.

The Edict of the Council of State of August 10, 1728, was
issued annulling all concessions from Manchac to the sea and pro-
viding a method of re-establishing titles thereto.!2 Bienville made
an appeal to the king. By 1737 Bienville must have received relief
of some sort; possibly a new grant was issued that protected
purchasers who had previously acquired land from or under Bien-
ville. There is a record of a sale made in March, 1746, by de Noyan,
holding Bienville’s procuration.'* The property would in all prob-
ability not have been bought had there been any doubt at the time
of the right of Bienville to sell it.

* Heloise H. Cruzat, Translator, “Bienville's Land Titles”, Louisiana Historical Quarterly,

I ¢ 1918), 121. In another article entitled ‘‘Documents Concerning Bienville’s Lands in Louis-
jana’, Louisiana Historical Quarterly, x B heer 4 10, Mrs. Cruzat speaks of Bienville’s tract
as extending “above the Chapitoulas this latter instance she has wrongly interpreted
the French word dessous (under) as oe (above).

™John Hanno Deiler, The Settlement of the German Coast of Louisiana and the Creoles
of German Descent, (Philadelphia, 1909), 68.

8 Alcée Fortier. ar er of Louisiana, (New York, 1904), I, 83.

94.
12 Cruzat. X. 161. ff.
18 Jbid., X,

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The tract on which Carrollton now stands appears to have
passed into the hands of Nicholas Chauvin de la Freniére. The
Chauvin brothers, four in number, had, in 1719, settled in the —
Tchoupitoulas district above and bordering the Bienville conces-
sion. Nicholas Chauvin de la Freniére received a concession from
Bienville. Miss King wrote that “On a census taken at the time
(c. 1724)" de le Roy (Déléry) and Bellair are mentioned as
settled on the immense concession that Bienville himself had ob-
tained, extending from New Orleans to the Tchoupitoulas, and
upon this settlement lived Chauvin Déléry with three children,
and Chauvin de Lafreniére, who also had a-wife and three chil-
dren.” A map of Bienville’s concessions up to the year 1737
shows that the upper portion of his land was in the possession of
two Chauvin brothers. There also is an account of a proces verbal
confirming the concession to la Freniére. It is as follows:

In the year one thousand seven hundred and thirty-seven,
on Thursday, October tenth, by virtue of the orders of Mssrs.
de Bienville, Governor of the Province of Louisiana, and
Salmon, Commissioner of the said Province, we, Francois
Saucier, surveyor, went to a tract of seventeen arpents, front-
ing on the River Saint Louis, by a depth of forty arpents,
protected by a levee along the said river, without any clearing,
serving as a pasture ground for cattle and for timber and
construction wood, owned by Sieur Chauvin de la Freniére,
for which land he presented to us a contract passed before
Rossard, Notary Royal in Louisiana, on the first day of May,
one thousand seven hundred and twenty-eight, by which it
appears that Mr. de Noyan, the eldest, in the name of and
under procuration of my said Sieur de Bienville, Lord and
proprietor of the said land, ceded and transferred it to the
said Sieur Chauvin de la Freniére at the quit-rent of six livres
of rent per arpent, as also of two capons and two days labor
for each of the said arpents. Of which titles and land, we,
surveyor undersigned, for this appointed, have drawn up the
present proces verbal in the presence of Sieur Fabry de la
Bruyére the above day and year.

Signed: Saucier
Fabry de la Bruyére!”

At the death of the father, the plantation passed into the hands
of Nicholas Chauvin de la Freniére, Jr. When Governor O’Reilly

14 Charles Gayarré, Histoire de La Louisiane, (New Orleans, 1846), I, 193; Stanley C
Arthur and George C. H. de Kernion, Old Families of Louisiana, (New rleans, 1981), 240.

15 Parentheses are mine.

16 Grace King. Oreole Families < New Orleans, (New York, 1921), 171.

17 Cruzat, loc. cit., XI, 97.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 225

executed (October 25, 1769) a number of Louisiana citizens for
their part in an abortive rebellion, one of those to die was M.
Chauvin de la Freniére, Jr. After the execution, the title passed
to Louis Césaire le Breton, son-in-law of the original la Freniére.
It seems probable that he inherited the land, but Waddill, in his
article entitled “The Scene of the Le Breton Murder’, gives us
another story. He stated: “Louis C. Le Breton obtained a grant
of land fronting the Mississippi River from the French Governor
on October 6, 1757,1* covering the whole of Carrollton as well as
the Ludgee Fortier tract in Jefferson Parish. Lowerline Street
was its lower boundary. It measured ahout sixteen and a half
arpents in width square across or severity-one hundred feet. On
the meander of the river it measured about twelve thousand feet.’’”

According to an article in the Lowisiana Historical Quarterly,
Barthelemy Macarty acquired the plantation from Louis Césaire
le Breton on January 21, 1781.2° Gayarré gives another version,
however. The land must have passed into the hands of Jean
Baptiste Césaire le Breton, son of Louis Césaire le Breton. When
Jean Baptiste Césaire le Breton was murdered by his slaves in
1771,21 Barthelemy Daniel Macarty became proprietor. Gayarré
stated: “On his being assassinated (Jean Baptiste Césaire le Bre-
ton) by a petted and pampered slave, the plantation passed into
the hands of Macarty, who had been the tutor of the children of
the defunct, and has since become the town of Carrollton”.”? In
any case, either from one Le Breton or another, Macarty did acquire
the land.

The very interesting story about the beautiful Mademoiselle
Macarty, one of Barthelemy Daniel Macarty’s daughters, leads us
to believe that she must have owned either part or the whole of
the plantation after her father’s death. A citation from Gayarré
by Miss King supports the statement of such a fact. She wrote:
“The plantation above the de Borés’, which extended over Audubon
Park, belonged to Pierre Foucher, a son-in-law of M. de Boré;
the next place belonged to the unfortunate Lafreniére. It was at
that time the property of Mademoiselle Macarty, who was Madame
de Boré’s intimate friend as well as neighbor, and who, like her

1% This is also in accordance with William H. Williams, “‘The History of Carrollton”,
Loutsiana State Register. ( New Orleans, 1876). 8.
vith. tia rig “The Scene of the Le Breton Murder’, Louisiana Historical Quarterly,
Meloncy “The RX forming the Upper Section of the City of New
Lowisiana H (1987), 208.
21 Arthur and de Kernion, op. cit.,
“A Louisiana Plantation of the Old Regime”, Harper’s Magazine

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226 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

had been educated at Madame de Maintenon’s institution for the
proper education of proper young ladies.’’2*

At the turn of the century, the plantaion was in cultivation
for Jean Baptiste Macarty, son of Barthelemy Macarty, brother to
Mademoiselle Macarty. What transaction had taken place during
the last decade or so of the eighteenth century, we do not know.
Jean Baptiste Macarty claimed that the land had been granted to
him by the Spanish Government in 179574 (probably as a reward
for his service as militia officer under the Spanish domination,
1769-1803). The Commission appointed to investigate land claims
in the Eastern District of the Orleans Territory reported Macarty’s
claim as not valid. This is the report communicated to the House
of Representatives, January 8, 1812:

No. 194, Jean Baptiste Macarty claims a tract of land,
situated back of the City of New Orleans, and adjoining the
Canal Carondelet, containing about thirteen hundred acres.

The claimant pretends that this land was surveyed for
him, by virtue of an order from the Baron de Carondelet,
dated 1795, and that the papers relative to his title have since
been destroyed by fire. In support of this, he exhibits the
certificate of Pintado, who states that the survey was executed
by him, by the order of Carondelet. Admitting it as a fact
that the land was surveyed for him by the order of the Baron
de Carondelet, it must have been upon the condition that the
land was vacant; but it appears clearly that the whole of this
land is covered by grants long antecedent to the period that
the land is stated to have been surveyed for the claimant; we

_ therefore reject the claim.
Joshua Lewis

Thos. B. Robertson

The grant was finally confirmed by the American Congress
on February 28, 1823.*° From the family of Jean Baptiste Macarty
emanate the present land titles of Carrollton.

CHAPTER II—THE FOUNDATION OF CARROLLTON

The Macarty plantation was described in old records as a tract
of land thirty-two arpents in front on the Mississippi.27 The tract

2% Grace King. New Orleans, the Place and the People, a Baie 1895), 263.
7 — loc. cit., 8-9; John 8, Kendall, History of Orleans, (Chicago, 1922),
25 American State Papers, Public Lands, (Washington, 1834), II, 293.
8. Large. (Boston, 1863). III, 727.
27 Williams, loc

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The History of the City of Carrollton 227

cultivated by the Macarty family at the beginning of the nineteenth
century (1808) extended from the present Monticello Avenue, then
the lower boundary of the Ludgore Fortier plantation which had
formerly been part of the Macarty plantation, down to the present
Lower Line Street, the up»er limits of the plantation of Pierre
Foucher, the upper part of which later became Greenville. Although
cultivation was restricted to only a short distance from the river,
nevertheless, the plantation stretched back to a depth of about
eighty arpents. The distance from the plantation to New Orleans,
measured by the river road, then the only route of communication
by land, was eight miles.?*

The plantation home was located on the lower portion of the
tract, in the district known as the Race Ground. This was probably
not far from the range of Clinton Street.2® The fate of the residence
is unknown but it was probably destroyed by the caving in of the
river bank at this point.2° The sugar house, for it was a sugar
plantation, stood at some point farther from the river bank. Its
brick walls remained standing, in fragments, for a long time after
the plantation had become the city of Carrollton, being removed
at the orders of U. S. military officers in 1863, to make way for
the erection of stables and other buildings.**

When Jean Baptiste Macarty died (November 10, 1808) the
plantation was divided among his three children, Barthelemy,
Edmond, and Marie Celeste, who had become the wife of Paul
Lanusse.*? Barthelemy Macarty and Paul Lanusse purchased the
interest of Edmond Macarty, by act passed before Pierre Pedes-
claux, Notary Public, on April 14, 1809.** By an act passed before
the same Notary Public on June 10, 1816, Barthelemy bought the
interests of his sister, Marie Celeste.

On May 6, 1816,"* there occurred a crevasse at the upper end

30 Ibid, 9. 750.

31 Williams,

83 Reference to it in ye of sale, Macarty to Kohn and Marigny, Notarial Records, L. T.

April to May, 1881, No. 425.

83 Notarial Records, Pierre Pedesclaux, January to December, 1809, p. 159.

*4 Notarial Records. Pierre Pedesclaux, January to June, 1816, p. 156.

85 Henry C. Castellanos, New eens Ae It Was, (New York, 1895), 324.

According to Williams, loc. cit., the ‘‘Macarty Crevasse * occurred in 18382. He stated:
“This is the only crevasse that has ever taken place within the limits of the plantation end
of the town of Carrollton.”

George E. Waring. Jr.. and George W. Cable, in their book, The History and Present
Condition of New Orleans. Louisiana, and Report on the Citw of Austin, Texas, (Washington,
1881), 53. do not agree with Williams. Speaking of the inundation of New Orleans, they
wrote: ‘‘A serious overflow took place in 1780, another in 1785, another in 1791, another in —
1799. All of these resulted from crevasses in the river levee ‘above the town. "The last of
them occurred in the month of May, in the Macarty levee, near the site of the later town of

0 year, Macarty's evee, g un current
there strikes the river bank, again broke... .”

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(228 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

of Macarty’s tract, which inundated the rear portion of the num-
erous plantations and reached the corner of Canal and Bourbon
streets, in the City of New Orleans. The levee that had been built
around the Macarty plantation for protection against the water
of the Mississippi had been undermined by the powerful current
which there strikes the river bank. The water rose to heights of
from three to five feet. It finally found vent by way of Fisherman’s
and St. John’s bayous to Lake Pontchartrain and in twenty-five
days subsided.** The receding water filled the low terrain with
alluvial deposits enriching the soil as well as elevating the swamp
sections.

On March 7, 1826, Barthelemy Macarty, by an act before
Hughes Lavergne, Notary Public, sold an undivided half of his
plantation to Elenore Mirtile Macarty, wife of Charles Barthelemy
Lanusse.** He sold the other half to Samuel Kohn and Bernard
Marigny on April 30, 1831.** On September 2, 1831, Marigny sold
his interest to Laurent Millaudon and John Slidell.*® Millaudon
received four-fifths of Marigny’s land or four-twentieths of what
was formerly the whole of Macarty’s plantation. John Slidell
received one-fifth of Marigny’s interest or one-twentieth of the
former tract. The interest of Elenore Mirtile Macarty passed into
the hands of the New Orleans Canal and Banking Company on
December 19, 1831.4° The company had paid $130,000 for the
property, but by selling off the slaves and improvements, the net
cost was reduced to $85,000.**

In the year 1832-33, property began to rise in value. Even
the swamp lands back of New Orleans and its environs sold at
high prices. The New Orleans Canal and Banking Company, Lau-
rent Millaudon, John Slidell, and Samuel Kohn, realizing that now
was the proper time to reap the fruit of their speculations, engaged
Charles Zimpel, a German surveyor and civil engineer, to draw a
plan of the plantation.*? By the plan drawn up on April 16, 1833, the
property was divided into lots and squares. The squares were six
hundred and fifty feet in depth and width.**® These squares were

3¢ Waring and Cable, op. cit.. 53.

*7 Notarial Records, Hughes Lavergne. January to December. 1826. No. 3451.

88 Notarial Records, L. T. Caire. April to May, 1831, No. 425

*® Notarial Records. L. T. Caire, September to December. 1831, No. 864.

40 Soniat, loc. XX, 209. The act was passed before G. R. Stringer, whose Notarial
Records were eean while in the custody of Hugh Madden abont 1862.

1T. P. Thompson, “Early Financing in New Orleans’’, Publications of the Louisiana
Historicat Society, VII (1913-14), 82.

‘2 The original plan of the town was burned along with the Notarial Records of G. R.
Stringer, which included nearly all of the first sales of Carrollton property from Millaudon
and his associates to their first purchasers; so that the titles of most of the present owners
of property exist only in the plans and records of subsequent dates.—Williams, loc. cit., 12.

#% Williams, loc. cit., 11.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 229

later subdivided. The streets running from the river were given the
names of the Presidents up to that date, in rotation. The cross
streets were numbered and eventually given names; one perpetuates
the name of the surveyor, Zimpel. The town formed was called
“Carrollton”, after William Carroll, the general who had led part
of General Jackson’s army which had encamped on this portion
of ground a few days before the Battle of New Orleans (January
8, 1815). Williams wrote: “A military encampment on the Macarty
plantation, we may fancy, was an event of thrilling interest in that
day, to the planters and their colored people along the coast. The
recollection of the event, and of Carroll, the commander, served
in after time to furnish a name for the new settlement which
twenty years after was established on the ground.’’**

Not only did the first proprietors receive immense profits
from the sale of their land but the purchasers also reaped moderate
fortunes by re-selling. The price of land went up rapidly. Lots
which were under water the greater part of the year sold for as
much as a hundred times their actual value. “It was the map
distance of five miles from Canal Street that determined their
selling quality, and there was but a limited extent of ground for
the growth of a greater New Orleans, which the people of 1833
fully expected to double its population every ten years, or to reach
1,000,000 in forty years !’’*®

The first four settlers of Carrollton were Samuel Short, J.
McIntyre, Charles Huso and William Jones. To the first named
gentleman belonged the honor of having built the first house in
the new town. He built on the batture between the present
Carrollton Avenue and Short Street.‘* His home was later des-
troyed by the caving banks of the river. The other three settlers
built their houses in the same year (1835 or 1836) as Short. Mc
Intyre’s home was located at the base of the levee between Huso
Street and Washington Street (now Fern), where it remained
until it was torn down some years later.*? Situated on the batture
at some distance from Short’s building, between Jefferson (now
Joliet) and Leonidas, was the building of William Jones. It was
later destroyed by fire. Charles Huso’s edifice was erected at the
corner of Levee (now Leake Avenue) and Short streets. It was
burned in 1864.*®

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Williams, loc. cit., 18.
Ibid.
Ibid,

230 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

The whole area between Carrollton Avenue and Fern Street
was owned jointly by Short and Huso. They subdivided the tract
into smaller squares forming new streets, two of which, Short
and Huso Streets, perpetuate their names. A few years later, a
second house was built by Short. This building was located on the
south corner of St. Charles and Carrollton avenues. It housed the
mayor and council after the incorporation of the town. Samuel
Short was the founder of the first shingle and lumber yard estab-
lished in Carrollton and also had the first grocery store there.*®

~~ Meanwhile Rochus Kollman, a carpenter engaged by the newly-
formed New Orleans and Carrollton Railroad Company, was
erecting buildings for the company in Carrollton.5° He became a
resident in 1836, and soon owned extensive property in the small
town. Most of the early buildings of Carrollton were constructed
by him.

The New Orleans and Carrollton Railroad was under construc-
tion in the year 1834. It was in operation the next year —
still in an unfinished condition.

- Apparently at the outset this railroad used horse-cars, but
. certainly by the end of 1835 it had changed to steam. The editor
of the Bee, on October 20, 1835, urges the company “to attend to
the flue of the engine; so that the sparks might not burn the dresses
of the passengers.”

; During the year 1836 several buildings were built by the com-
pany on the west side of Dublin Street, extending back from the
corner of Hampson Street. One of the buildings, the depot, was
scarcely more than a shed. Another, however, was a large two-
story building with heavy cornice and large columns, a very im-
pressive building at the time. It became the Carrollton Bank, -one
of the numerous banks used by the New Orleans and Carrollton
Railroad Company to finance its work.

The years 1835 and 1836 were boom years. Property rose in
value and the credit system was universal. Crops were financed,
lands and slaves were converted into circulating notes which greatly
enhanced speculative enterprises. The turnover of business was
' immense, but, as so often proves to be the case, the inflation of
business was not accompanied by a corresponding accumulation of

real value. In 1837 occurred the inevitable crash.
49 Tbid.

thon 29. See a of next cha for further references
— pter concerning the New

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The History of the City of Carrollton 231

The artificial boom had helped Carrollton. It had been taken
as a plantation half-covered with marshes, surveyed, laid out in
lots and sold. By 1840 the families living in Carrollton were quite ,
numerous for so young a town. Some of the early settlers and the
years of their arrival are as follows :™!

Pierre Soniat

1836 (fifth to build)

Stringer — 1836 (built first brick house, on
square between St. Charles
and Pear, Burdette and

| Adams streets.)

George J. Porter 1836

Frederick A. Raslar 1836

Mrs. Mary U. Schuler 1836

Christian Winter 1836 (had first dry goods and
@lothing store.)

Solomon Kohn 1836
Francis Babin 1836
Francis C. Zeller 1836
Levi A. Heaton 1836
Frederick Kern 1837
Henry Jurgens 1837
Gabriel Spahr 1837
Christian Deibel 1837
Herman Thieler 1837
George Wills 1837
Trubert Boesch 1837
Henry Deibel 1837
Simon Oesterly 1837
Frederick Brown 1838
Jacob Clausen 1838
Gottlieb. Bubeck 1838
Mrs. Elizabeth Auguste 1838 (about)
Enoch B. Robinson 1839
Samuel Pursell 1839
Frederich Fischer 1839
Jacob Roesch 1839
Christopher Kerner 1840
Henry Gogreve 1840
William Mayo | 1840
Wenderline Herrle 1841

_John Coleman 1841

Carrollton was at this time (1840) in communication with the

City of New Orleans by a road which ran along St. Charles Avenue,
and a railroad system which parallelled the road."
51 Williams, loc. cit., 81, 32.

The Germ tion . ett., IT, 752.

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232 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Of vital importance to Carrollton as well as New Orleans was
the construction of levees. The inundations of 1799 and 1816 had
_ Shown the need of better levees. Several small ones had been built
“at various periods of the plantation’s history. Now with the de-
velopment of a town, protection from the river was emphasized
more than ever before. A levee had been constructed at the head
of St. Charles Avenue about the year 1834.5* It was situated at
a distance fully six hundred feet farther out than the line occupied
by the present embankment.** It was twenty-five feet high, a
mammoth construction for the times. In later years it was replaced
by a better one.

Even before its incorporation the town of Carrollton was
recognized as a favorite spot to spend the idle hours of the after-
noon. A drive along Nayades Street (Now St. Charles Avenue) to
the beautiful “Carrollton Gardens” next to the Carrollton Hotel
was very much in favor with the New Orleans people. Many
gentlemen escorted their wives or fiancees to the races at the
Eclipse Course in Carrollton, and then spent the rest of the even-
ing sipping cool mint juleps in the shade of the trees in the Car-
roliton Gardens. The Bee of May 17, 1844, gives the following de-
scription:

Carrollton: This is about the most agreeable place to visit
of an evening, that we know of. The cars run at intervals of
an hour, both ways, till a late hour. The gardens are in beauti-
ful condition and the hotel is furnished with the choicest re-
freshments.

A ball room will be shortly completed in the garden, when
dancing will be added to the other attractions of the place.

The Eclipse Race Track was located near the old Macarty
plantation home and sugar mill.> By 1844 it had become a noted
place for horse racing. Most of the races were sponsored by the
Associated Jockey Club of Louisiana. The betting was heavy.
_ Often there would be match races. If a planter thought his nag
could beat his neighbor’s he usually approached him with the pro-
posal for a match race. A bet was agreed on, the race announced,
and on the appointed day it would take place. The course was
usually crowded with friends of the rival owners. As most of the
people knew the owners and had seen the horses before, betting

Rendall, op. cit II, 7538.
58 Reference to it in lease by Messrs. Babe before
L. T. Caire, Notarial Records, January to March, 1840, p. 3

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The History of the City of Carrollton 233

was even higher than for the regular races. Announcements similar
to the following appeared frequently :

Carrollton, Eclipse Course

Previous to the main race, a match race for $400 a side,
mile heats, will come off between Messrs. Lecompt and Com-
pany’s “Laura” and Mr. Lin Cook’s “Hardened Sinner.’

The Daily Picayune of April 8, 1845, contained an article which
read as follows:

The Association Races commence today on the Eclipse
Course. The first race is a sweepstakes, to which there are
seven subscribers. Of these, it is understood that Dart, Feath-
ers, Betsy, and Victress will certainly start, all backed by
strong friends and all known to the public. Next comes a
stake, three mile heats, in which La Bacchante, Ha’penny and

an own brother of Peytonia are engaged. This is one of the

great events of the week, and it is believed that each of the
pone mr SEE will start. The sport cannot fail to be
excellent.

The Daily Picayune of the next day announced:

There is a great deal of heavy play or pay betting between
the Boston filly and an own sister of Sarah Bladen....

The road connecting the new shell road with Carrollton is
now in excellent order, for the accomodation of such as prefer
to go out to the races in carriages instead of taking the rail-
road cars.

Carrollton from its very beginning showed a great interest
in politics. During the Clay-Polk campaign several mass meetings
were held in Carrollton. An article taken from the Southern
Traveler of June 21, 1844, reads:

MASS MEETING AT CARROLLTON

A large and respectable assemblage, without distinction of
party, assembled at Carrollton, on Wednesday Evening last,
at Mr. Benoit’s Hotel, Carrollton... .

A description of a Democratic demonstration in the small town
is found in the Southern Traveller of October 15, 1844. It reads:

Meeting at Carrollton on Saturday evening last.—No
sooner was it understood that our Democratic friends in Car-

5¢ New Orleans Bee, March 11, 1844.

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234 © The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

rollton, desired to meet the Democracy of other portions of the
Parish en masse, than arrangements were made to charter a
Steamboat for the conveyance of the Lafayette Regiment... .
The boat deeply laden with the Lafayette and Gretna Democra-
cy, landed at the Carrollton Levee, amid the firing of cannons
and the loud and enthusiastic shouts of the multitude which
literally covered the shore. The city was perfectly illuminated
_ by the splendid fire works which was prepared for the occa-
gion, and every heart beat high for the great cause in which
we were engaged. The march to the place of meeting, from
the Levee, was indescribably gorgeous, from the brilliancy of
the fire works, the splendor of the banners, and the multitude
which thronged the streets.

In the election held in November of that year Carrollton gave
ninety-six votes to Clay and sixty-two to Polk.5°*7 New Orleans and
Lafayette voted the Democratic ticket.*®

Carrollton was growing fast. The need of more local govern-
ment was felt. With a municipal government the town would be
able to carry on public improvements which could not be secured
under the directions of the authority of the Parish of Jefferson.
The movement for an independent government was stirred up.
Through the efforts of John Hampson and others Carrollton was
awarded a Town Charter on March 10, 1845.°°

CHAPTER II—THE NEW ORLEANS AND CARROLLTON
RAILROAD

Then last, not least, ‘the ladies fair’

Jump in, all crinoline!

And take our seats, quite unconcerned
As if secured they’d been—

Their winning smile, and thank you, sir,
And sweet coquettish air!

Will reconcile our gents to stand

Though they have paid their fare—®®

57 Ibid., November 7, 1844.

58 Louisiana had long been predominantly Whig. Especially was this the case in New
Orleans where the party was entrenched in local affairs and controlled the electoral machinery
of the city. There was a strong conviction among sugar planters and other influential citizens
that annexation was not favorable to their interests. The defeat of Clay in the city of New
Orleans and in Louisiana can only be explained in the light of the importation of rural voters
by John Slidell and his cohorts. ‘They chartered steamboats, the voters were transferred to the
goles booths where their votes were accepted and the democratic ticket was elected.”” See

and Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, (Chicago, 1892), I, 50.
cts of the Louisiana Legislature, (1845), No. 91, pp. 47-52. This “Act to incorporate
the Town of Carrollton’, provides in detail for its government.

®° Seventh verse to Car Song, written about 1868.—Hugh. M. Blain, A Near Oentury of

Public Service in New Orleans, 8-15.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 235

The New Orleans and Carrollton Railroad probably did more
to promote the growth of Carrollton than any other single agent,
and for this reason deserves a chapter to itself. It placed the thriv-
ing little town in close communication with New Orleans, a ready
market for any surplus products. The railroad brought a hotel,
shops, station and several other buildings. With the completion of
the railroad people were able to live in the small suburban town
and still earn their incomes as employees in the great city. Carroll-
ton was one of the few small towns in which one could find the
peaceful life of the country and still be within a half-hour ride (by
rail) from New Orleans. Williams in referring to the relations of
the town to the railroad wrote: “The two enterprises worked
together and for each other—the Railroad, by affording quick com-
munication, brought population and built up the town, and the
town, as fast as peopled, gave business to the road. They were
both the projects of the far-seeing Millaudon, and so bound together
that the history of the road is a necessary part of the history of
the town.’’6!

On February 9, 1883, an act to incorporate the New Orleans
and Carrollton Railroad Company passed the State Legislature.™
Its first section read as follows:

Section 1. Beit enacted by the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives of the State of Louisiana, in General Assembly
convened, That John Linton, Samuel Livermore, Laurent Mill-
audon, Levi Pierce, Maunsel White, John Slidell, James
Purdon, Charles Gardiner, James P. Freret, Joachim Kohn,
John. B. Plauché, Matthew Morgan, Thomas Barrett, J. U.
Lavillebouvre, John B. Byrne, William McCawley, and their
associates and successors, are hereby created a body corporate,
under the name of the New Orleans and Carrollton Rail Road
Company, and by name may sue and be sued, make contracts,
have perpetual succession, make bye-laws and regulations not
being contrary to law, and exercise all the powers vested by
law in private corporations.

The capital stock of the company was not to exceed $300,000;
shares of $100 were to be sold for $5 cash and the residue in in-
stallments. At the head of the company was a board of seven
directors, each of whom had to be the owner of at least twenty
shares. The directors were to be elected annually by the share-
holders.

*2 Williams, loc. cit., 15.
®2 Acts of the Louisiana Legislature, (1833), 8-15.

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236 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

The company was vested “with all the powers necessary for
the construction and repair of a Rail Road, from some point in the
suburb St. Mary, through Naiades Street, to its termination in the
suburb Livaudais, and from thence to a street named First Street—
on a plan made of the plantation formerly belonging to Barthelemy
Macarty, and which plan is deposited in the office of Greenbury R.
Stringer, and thence through said street to the river Mississippi:
Provided the said Rail Road be so constructed as not to prevent
the use and travelling on any street through which it may pass.’’®

On March 15, 1833, the City Council of New Orleans gave
permission to the N. O. & C. R. R. Co. to lay a single track “from
the lower limits of Nun’s Plantation down Nayades across Tivoli
place, down Triton and Baronne streets to the point where this last
street meets with Canal Street.’’** On the 15th the Mayor affixed
his signature to the ordinance and three days later the stock was
offered to the public. A month had not passed before the books
were closed and the company announced the election of officers.
The first board, elected on April 22,° was composed of D. F.
Burthe, L. Millaudon, M. Lizardi, I Kohn, P. Laidlow, Thomas
Dixon and H. G. Schmidt. D. F. Burthe became the first presi-
dent ;** C. F. Zimpel first engineer. On the 29th L. F. Generes was
named the secretary and on the 6th of May John Slidell assumed
duties as attorney.®*’

The charter specified that the road had to be commenced be-
fore a year had elapsed and completed within three years after the
passing of the act through the Legislature. The company lost no
time in beginning the work. Steam cars were to be used on the
new railroad, so a man was sent to England to supervise the making
of the cars and engines. “The need of transportation was too
pressing in those boom times to wait for the completion of the whole
road, and so as soon as that part of the main line from Canal Street
up Baronne to Jackson (which was in the town of Lafayette), and
a branch road up Magazine from Poydras to Richard St., thence
to the river, were ready, horse cars were started, though the com-
pany had to buy one for the purpose from the Pontchartrain Rail-
road. 2968

63 7 9.
cipal A were Railroad and Ordinances of Muni-
66 William disagrees with Blain in this matter.—Williams, loc. cit., 15: ‘Laurent Millaudon
was the first president of the railroad and may be regarded as the father and sustainer of it, as

lain, op. cit., 85.
68 Ibid., 81-32.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 237

In September, 1835, the railroad was completed to Carrollton,
and on the 26th of that month, for the first time, the trip between
Carrollton and New Orleans was made. The announcement of the
formal opening was as follows:

The Carrollton railroad will be opened to the public to-

- morrow at 11 A. M.; when visitors of the intended district and

those who design to partake of a comfortable collation between

_— drives to and fro, should be at the corner of Baronne
eet. |

More space was given to this novel enterprise in the news-
paper of September 28 :7°

The railroad from the city of Carrollton on the Mississippi,
distant about four and a half miles, was opened for travel on
Saturday last. The route passes through a level and beautiful
country; very high, dry and arable land; and affording one of
the most pleasant drives in the southern states. It passes
through the limits of an ancient forest of live oaks; peculiarly
interesting as being one of the very few of its kind now re-
maining in the south.

We were very much gratified in witnessing the various
improvements during the progress of the drive; and could not
help hoping that next summer the forest of live oaks would
be rendered fit for an agreeable ramble for our ladies and
escorts. New Orleans affords few such conveniences as might
be given to Carrollton, if the proper accomodations were made
for entertainment and residence—as the drive is not like other
routes over swampy lands, which present no objects for delight
or contemplation.

Yet even at the present time, balls and dinners might be
given at the Carrollton hotel with some success—as we have
no doubt the directors of the company will hereafter render
their means of traveling and other accomodations as inviting
as possible; and we entertain as little doubt that their efforts
will be efficiently supported by Mr. John McDonnell, the ex-
perienced and courteous conductor of the hotel.

The fare is but 25 cents, while that on the Pontchartrain
railroad is 3714 cents for about the same distance; and cer-
tainly the drive to Carrollton is much more pleasant for those
whose business does not compel them to go to the lakes. Horti-
cultural and other improvements have been already made
round the hotel and a jet d’eau is placed in front. But when
gardens and walks are afforded; and when refreshments can
be given of all kinds throughout the day for visitors, we think
this line must as it should acquire extensive support.

6° New Orleans Bee, September 25, 1835.
7° Tbid., September 28, 1835.

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238 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Having partook of the refreshments prepared for about
200 persons, we ascended to the observatory; and were much
pleased with the view presented of the Mississippi in its wind-
ing course; although we were surprised at the red appearance
of the water. Floating baths will soon be erected for the con-
venience of those who make a temporary residence at the hotel ;
and when the route shall have been continued to Bayou Sara
this railroad will then be as useful for the trade in market pro-
visions as.it is now delightful for travel.

The railroad was a new enterprise in the thirties. The N. O.
and C. R. R. was preceded in New Orleans by the Pontchartrain
Railroad, but since it was the first to traverse its streets for the
purpose of carrying the people from one part of the city. to another,
it is recognized as the parent street railway of New Orleans.”

The railroad in making the trip from New Orleans to Carroll-
ton traversed several Faubourgs and plantations. There were
small railway stations at the different Faubourgs, the most im-
portant of which were:™2 Greenville at Broadway, Burtheville at
Henry Clay Avenue, Bouligny at Napoleon Avenue, Jefferson City
at Louisiana Avenue and the City of Lafayette at Jackson.

_ The astute speculators foresaw that the success of the rail-_
road depended, to a large extent, on the development of Carrollton.
People must be attracted to the new town. With this in mind the
construction of a large hotel, at the head of St. Charles Avenue
close to the depot, was begun in 1835.* The Bee of October 8,
1835, gives the following comment on the work in progress:

The Carrollton Railroad Company are likely to more than
realize the prospects by their friends. Punctuality and dis-
cipline’ are becoming gradually established; an experienced
engineer has been appointed; and the healthful amusement
and social engagements are in progress at the hotel. The
shooting gallery will soon be completed; a bowling green and
cricket club will soon be completed; a tenpin alley be construct-
ed; walks in the gardens will be fashioned for the ladies, for

_ whom comfortable rooms are nearly prepared; and besides
various rooms for gentlemen, they can be accommodated in
_ playing at cards, chess, or other customary games.

. 72 Blain, 31. As a street railway the N. O. & C. R. R. was preceded only by New
York and Philedelphis but numerous railroads had been constructed before this. The Baltimore
and Ohio Railroad was the first to start active work (1827). The whole line of the Charleston
was opened in 1833. See Robert E. Riegel, America Moves West, (New

or

72 Soniat, loc. cit., XX, 209.

73 Williams, loc. cit., 14. The hotel disa when the necessity arose for building the
new levee in 1896. See Kendall, op. cit., II, 751. ad

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The History of the City of Carrollton 239

We paid a flying visit to the Carrollton hotel yesterday
afternoon; all were greatly pleased with the arrangements in
progress, and the accommodations afforded.

By 1836 the hotel and adjoining gardens were completed. The
hotel was located in the midst of flower beds and shady oaks.
Chinaberry trees were set in rows on the levee at that point. The
large and beautiful gardens contained species of many rare plants.
“It was elegantly laid out, and adorned with all the choicest varie-
ties of exotics, trees, shrubs and flowers, every variety so taste-
fully arranged, as to render it almost a fairy land.’’’* <A descrip-
tion of the hotel and gardens is given in an advertisement in the
Bee of February 6, 1844. It reads:

A cool and pleasant ride, in splendid new cars, of less than
half an hour conveys the passengers to the celebrated Carroll-
ton Gardens, which are open to the public, and which for
variety of pleasant walks, choice and rare plants are unsur-
passed by any in the United States. Its beautiful shades are
enlivened .by the music of thousands of birds, amongst which
the Southern Songster, the interesting Mocking Bird, is most
conspicuous. Bouquets and pl&nts are sold by the Garden at
very low prices.

The crash in the financial world (1837) was felt by the owners
of the N. O. & C. R. R. From January, 1837, the railroad, hotel,
and all other property of the corporation were leased to Harper

and Merrick.” They also bought the company’s slaves.

The hotel was burned in 1841.7* The receipts from this place
of business had been so large, however, that the proprietors lost no
time in building another. During pre-Civil War days the hotel
and gardens attained a popularity unsurpassed by any other place
of the time in the way of amusement and entertainment. It was
the favorite spot for dances and balls, meetings, both social and
political, banquets, and other activities. On many occasions the
walls resounded to the stentorian voices of politicians; very often
the rooms echoed the tuneful melodies of the very best orchestras
of the country; and at certain times of the year could be heard the
reverberations of youngsters’ voices reciting in examination the
facts learned during the school year.

There was a steamboat landing in the vicinity of the hotel. It
remained for many years the habit of the hospitable people of New

74 Southern Traveller, April 27, 1844.
75 Blain, op. cit., 42
Williams, loc. cit., 14.

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Orleans to join their friends aboard the steamboats leaving New
Orleans, travel up the river as far as Carrollton where they would
be put ashore, and after spending a few hours at the hotel, return
to New Orleans by rail. The most prominent guests of New Or-
leans were entertained at the Carrollton Hotel and Gardens.
Thackeray, the novelist, was banqueted there during his visit to
the city in 1855.77 Boulanger, the French General was also enter-
tained there, nearly thirty years later.7* Although the Civil War
brought all places of amusement to a standstill, yet the Carrollton
resort was soon in its heyday once again. “It was the favorite
diversion of New Orleans in the early ’80’s to ride up to Carrollton,
dine at the hotel and stroll in the twilight along this pleasant
promenade.’’”®

The depot building which had been hastily erected in 1835 was
scarcely more than a shed and soon proved inadequate for the grow-
ing business. It was more thoroughly built during the next few
years and was completely remodeled in early 1852. The Carrollton
Star of April 24, 1852, gives the following account of the new
structure:

Carrollton Depot: An extremely beautiful depot has just
been finished by the Railroad Co. Standing in the center of
the town, and from its conspicuous position, it is the first
object that meets the eye in coming from the city... . The
style of its architecture is light and graceful, its colour neat
and plain, and from its peculiar construction is roomy and to
all intents well adapted for the purposes it is intended. The
company has in this case (under the supervision of its gentle-
manly engineer Mr. J. Hampson) shown more than usual care
in making its arrangements for the benefit and accommodation
of its patrons. They are to put up a clock, which is very much
needed here, and, which placed in the depot will be little else
than a private donation to the town.

Steam “dusnmalen” were used on the N. O. & C. R. R. from
1835 to 1867.°° The first two engines had been contracted for by
B. Booth and Co., of England*' They were named respectively

77 Kendall, eit., II, 752. The hotel must have lost some of its popularity during the
80's, however, as s Williams ‘wrote in 1885: “New Orleans guide books have given extravagant
mention to the Oarrollton Gardens to the disappointment of many strangers. It is simply a
square of four acres of land, with shrubbery, flowers, dancing pavilion and restaurant, close to
the railroad terminus. There are other private residences in the same locality with grounds
ms. and better kept.” See W. H. Williams, New Orleans As It Is, (Cleveland,

78 Kendall, op. cit.. II. 752.

79 Ibid.

8° Williams, loc. cit., 15.

81 Blain, op. cit., 36.

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The History of the City of Carrollton } 241

“Carrollton” and “New Orleans’. Business must have increased
very much during the first few months of operation as in February,
1836, two locomotives, lighter in weight than the first two, were
ordered from Baldwin of Philadelphia.®? In order to capture as
much business as possible the railroad constructed several minor
roads meeting the main line at right angles.

The schedule varied slightly from season to season. Here is
one such schedule as it appeared in most of the newspapers of the
time

New Orleans and Carrollton Railroad Departure of the Trains:

From Carrollton Horse Cars, 5 and 6 A.M.—8, 9,
and 10 P.M.
Steam Trains, 7 A.M. and every
hour afterwards until 7 P.M., in-
clusively in summer, and until
half-past 6 P.M., in winter.

From New Orleans Horse Cars, 614 and 74% A.M.—
9144, 10144, & P. M.
Steam Trains, 8 A.M., and every
hour afterwards until 8 P.M., in-
clusively in summer, and until
quarter-past-7, in winter.

The complaints against the railroad were not many. Some peo-
ple, as could be expected, objected to the monopolization of the
transportation by the company. Complaints against the schedule
were even fewer, but P. Souliar, editor of the Star, was not one to
remain quiet when an opportunity to slam the organization came
up. On one occasion he wrote:

Carrollton RR. Complaint in reference to the change
made by the Carrollton RR. Co., in the hours of running their
horse car at night between Carrollton and the City. During
the summer when there was nobody to travel in them, there —
were two cars running. Now, when there is a constant and
crowded communication they have summarily shut up that con-
venience. The alteration of the time of departure from the
city of the single car that does run is prodyetive of immense
discomfort to persons who go down to the evening there.
No place of amusement lets out early enough to allow attend-
ants from along the line of the railroad, to take the car at

83 Ibid.
83 Carrollton Star, January 5, 1853.

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242 | The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

nine. And if they miss that car, they have to wait until eleven
and a half, before they can get an opportunity of returning.
We never knew of a more ingenious inattention to the wants
of travellers, or a more subtle perversion of the purposes of
their own organization. If the cars are meant for conveniences
—let them be adapted to that intent.™

The railroad suffered from several minor mishaps. Probably
the most serious occurred in September, 1852. The Star of Sep-
tember 18, 1852, carried an account of it:

Railroad Accident.—An accident occurred on the Carroll-
ton Railroad cars on Saturday evening last, which was pro-
ductive of fatal consequences. It appears that the train from
this place had passed down as far as Clio st., in the city of
New Orleans, where the locomotive was detached at the ‘turn-
off’, the passenger cars continuing in motion. The Fourth
District horse cars were going up at the same time, and on ar-
riving near the steam train, when the foremost horse, either
from careless management, or otherwise, shied off the track in
front of the advancing train from this place, and was killed.
One of the cars of the Carrollton train was upset and a negro
woman, Rosaline, who was in it was killed... .

Dr. Landreaux, who was also on the top of the car at the
time of the accident, was severely injured, and died on Monday
last from the effects.

In 1867, probably owing to the post-war depression, the use
of steam locomotives on the railroad was discontinued altogether.
Steam engines had not been employed for a time before this in cer-
tain sections of New Orleans. In 1867 the hotel was sold. By
1872 steam was once more being used on the railroad between
Napoleon Avenue and Carrollton.** A small fireless locomotive
invented by Emile Lamm was substituted for horse power. This
invention afforded a method of using steam without carrying fire,
thus avoiding all danger of explosion.*? Mr. Souliar, as editor of the
Sentinel, in 1873, wrote:

On Sundays and holidays loads are too great for horses
to pull. The remedy as used by the Carrollton Company now-
a-days has proved a success. These cars are run from Napo-
leon Avenue to Carrollton, with ample power by a boiler of
water heated at the station house. No fire is used in con-
nection with the car, nor is there any noise or any escape of

84 Tbid., 1853.
85 Blain, op. cit.,

86 Williams, loc. 14.

87 Ibid.

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The History of the City of Carrollton | 243

steam. Little room is occupied by the engine, and one man is
able to act as driver and conductor, stopping the car by the
brake, and starting without difficulty and as quick as the one
drove with a horse. The steamer is capable of carrying two
cars with ease. When at the station the steam is pumped in by
a connection, and the car is ready for another trip. By this
method there is no killing of valuable stock from overwork,
and the only lack of liberality in companies would defeat
abundant provision for all who might wish to ride even if it
should prove that this plan would fail in the severest of our
winter by a too rapid cooling of the steam—but our climate is
not so severe. In such cases we could at least use it during
such season as the present, and avoid the hardships which is
imposed on the poor dumb brutes, who lack speech to plead
their cause against exacting man. We have eight of these
steamers in operation on the Carrollton Road.**

This system did not prove very successful, neither was the
cable system invented by General Beauregard and experimented
with by the railroad. The New Orleans and Carrollton Railroad
was the first road to adopt the system of overhead electric wires in
New Orleans. |

The Daily Picayune of February 2, 1893, gives a vivid descrip-
tion of the first “Ride by wire.” It read:

Yesterday, for the first time, New Orleans rode by wire.
The experience proved delightful, safe and successful. All the
little world of New Orleans knows how for months past the
N. 0. & C. St. R. R. Co. have been pluckily at work changing
their system from the unambitious mule to the progressive
power of electricity. Now that the system is perfected New
Orleans will desire to speedily forget the fact that all over the
north and west, even in the smallest towns, the electric cars
have been for a long time in popular use... .

Promptly at 10, the gay, spic and span green cars were
drawn up on Carrollton Avenue for the trip to the foot of
Baronne, the present terminal of the road.

The street was filled with spectators, and ladies in private
carriages drove up to see the start. . . . Teachers and pupils
of McDonogh No. 23 were drawn up before the gate to greet
with a rousing cheer the first electric car. The school-house
was gay with flags. ...

The camera fiend took a shot, Mr. Haile gave the signal '
to start, and as gently as a leaf drifting on a summer river,
the car rolled along Carrollton Avenue into St. Charles, and
pompously as any Carnival king made its triumphant way to
Canal street. ...

88 Carrollton Sentinel, October 4, 1873.

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A great many horses and darkies had panics of fright on
the avenue. The colored, who call the cars “election cars”
stared white-eyed and grinning. On the first uptown trip a
negro woman passenger finally signaled the conductor to stop
and said, ‘Fo Gawd, Mister, lemme git out o’ this!

With the gradual electrification of the various street railways
came mergence with several electric and gas companies, and the
final organization of the New Orleans Public Service Inc.

“It is a far cry from the tiny puffing steam dummy which
carried the two dozen or so of wide-eyed enthusiasts to Carrollton
on that September day in 1835, to the hundreds of modern electric
cars.and busses now transporting 300,000 passengers daily to every
part of the city.’’®

CHAPTER IV—ADMINISTRATIONS

The first municipal election held in Carrollton, on April 10,
1845, resulted in the election of John Hampson, Esq., as mayor of
the town, and Dr. A. Bein, A. C. Ives, J. B. Mason, Solomon Cohn,
Jacob Goldstein and Francis Charles Zeller as councilmen.®* The
mayor and council immediately proceeded to organize the town gov-
ernment; C. C. Porter was elected by this body as comptroller;
James Gilbert, treasurer; L. A. Heaton, surveyor; and B. F. Blank,
commisary of streets.°1 Many ordinances were passed creating
minor offices and setting forth rules and regulations to be observed
in the town. Police protection was provided for. A light system
of taxation was devised for the support of the government; ar-
rangements for the collection of a one per cent assessment tax were
made. Licenses for the transaction of business were issued. A
school was founded and a board of directors set up. The present
Carrollton Avenue was surveyed and opened through to the New
Orleans Navigation Canal about the year 1846.

Timoleon Lassassier, a representative of the French element,
became the second mayor of Carrollton.®** He was succeeded by
Henry Mithoff in whose administration was founded the first fire
company of the community—the Carrollton Fire Company No. 1."

8° Blain, op. cit.,
9° Da 10, 1845.
1 Williams, loc.
92 Tbid., 19.
93 Tbid., 21.
ae °4 Thomas O’Connor, History of the New Orleans Fire Department, (New Orleans, 1895),

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The History of the City of Carrollton 245

John Hampson was re-elected in 1850. During the course of the
year the council advertised for bids on a brick jail and frame watch
house.® Although there is no record of the erection of this jail,
it must have been built because an article in the Star of January
1, 1853, states that “On Christmas morning at about three o’clock,
Mr. S. Spahr, keeper of the jail in this town, struck his wife a blow
on the head with an axe.”

_ At the same sitting in which contracts for the construction of
a jail and watch house were called for, the council advertised for
bids to index and digest the ordinances of the town and publish
them in pamphlet form.** No copies survive, so whether it was
done or not remains unknown. Such a digest, however, was com-
piled by C. C. Porter in 1862.

So far the administration of the town government was execut-
ed in a simple manner. The town was operated on a “pay as you go
basis”. The assessment of property in Carrollton, according to
the assessor’s report for 1851, was $809,895.°° The operation of
the government was financed by a one per cent levy on this amount
plus the fees collected for licenses and fines.”

In 1851 Henry Mithoff was elected to the mayorality for a
second term. It was in his term that the corporation buildings
were insured. The first pound keeper, whose duty it was to keep
strays off the streets of Carrollton, was elected by the council on
July 9, 1851.1° Many people were in favor of undertaking the con-
struction of a plank road along Carrollton Avenue, but the thrifty
Mithoff, preferring to keep out of debt, repaired the existing road
with river sand.?%

The legal transactions of the town were placed in the hands of
a town attorney in April, 1852.°? His salary was fixed at $400 per
year and a 15% compensation for the recovery and collection of all
fines. On April 28, 1852, W. T. Scott was elected to this newly
created office.*

en al Documents in Tulane University Library. .
*7 0. O. Porter, compiler, Ordinances, Resolutions and Permanent Orders pr Piggy Sd
Carroliton, Louisiana. from the Date of the Incorporation of the Oity to Feb. 198i , 1862, Com
piled a and Digested by the Order of the Mayor and Cownceil, (New Orleans, 1862).
Carrollton Star, November 29, 1851.

°° A number of tax receipts of the City of Carrollton beginning in the year 1845 survive
in the Tulane University Library. and it is interesting to observe that for some reason the tax
actually collected on property in the city was considerably less than one. per cent until about

100 Carrollton Star 1851.

101 Tbid., August 2, 1

102 Tbid., A 24, i853.

108 Idid., 1852.

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Permission was granted by the council, on May 19, 1852, to
the Jefferson and Lake Pontchartrain Railroad Company to lay a
branch of their road from near the intersection of Upper Line (now
Monticello) and Levee (now Leake) Street to the river at the end
of the last named street for two years. The Jefferson and Lake
Pontchartrain Railroad Company was incorporated in 1840 by act
of the legislature and operated in Jefferson Parish along Levee
(Leake) Street to the Protection Levee and thence to Lake
Pontchartrain. It was finally absorbed by the N. O. & C. R. R.1%

In the meantime, agitation for a plank road along Carrollton
Avenue increased until the council was forced to act. At a sitting
on August 4, 1852, they decided that :?

Whereas, The town of Carrollton requires for its develop-
ment, and for the convenience of the mass of its citizens, easy
and free access to the city of New Orleans; and whereas there
is not at present any other than the river road, (and that
being thrice the true distance to the city) on which carriages
or wagons can pass during any considerable portion of the
year, with ease or safety; and whereas plank roads have been
fully proved by experience, to be cheaper and better than any
other kind of paved road, and would be better adapted to our
soil and the wants of our citizens, than any other; and if made
on Canal Avenue to the Canal, would secure the construction
of a bridge across the Canal to Common Street, and thus place
us within 5 miles of the heart of the city; and whereas, if
such improvement were made, it is confidently believed that
it would be attended with an early and considerable increase
of our business and population; therefore Resolved — That
the Surveyor be and is hereby directed to advertise 30 days
in one paper in the lst and one in the Fourth District of New
Orleans and in the official journal of this town, for proposals

to build a plank road on Canal Avenue, from Levee Street to
the Shell road at the Canal, the road to have the following
descriptions and dimensions: 8 foot wide of plank 8 inches
thick, and from 4 to 8 in. wide, laid crosswise, supported by
four stringers or sleepers of 3 inches thickness and six inches
wide — 2 of said sleepers to be near each side of the road
say the outer edges of the outside sleepers, 4 in. of the ends
of the cross planks; and the others to be laid one foot from
each of the outside sleepers over towards the center of the
road, said sleepers to be laid with the joints alternately, or
so as to break joints and be well rammed down, and conform
to the grade to be given by the Surveyor. Whole work to be

~ completed in 3 months from date of contract.

104 Soniat, loc. cit., XX, 209; Acts of the Louisiana Legislature, (1840), 83-89.
105 Qarrollton Star, August 7, 1852.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 247

Colonel. L. A. Kirk was awarded the contract to make the
plank road on September 30, 1852,'°* and furnished the required
bond but did not commence the construction of the road before
November. Before the month was out Kirk petitioned the council
to transfer his plank road contract to Mr. Williamson Smith.’
Which of these two men completed the road we do not know, but
whoever he was he failed utterly. The Star of July 30, 1853, gives
an account of this dismal failure:

The Floating Causeway on Canal Avenue

The consequences of the ill-fated method pursued in
building the Plank Road on Canal Avenue, are beginning to
develop themselves beautifully under the tempestous test of
the recent protracted spell of wet weather. Every one is
familiar with that mad method and remembers how loudly
it was reprobated at the time by all but the infatuated directors
who had charge of its construction, and how certainly and
evidently its tendencies and results were generally understood
and predicted....

The road was built in direct contrariety and contempt
of every principle of reason and common sense, by digging a
deep trench, throwing out the hard solid surface compact
with shells and long use and exposure, upon which it should
evidently have been laid, on either side into lateral tumuli
or ridges, and then laying in the chasm between these over-
topping ramparts a narrow ten pin alley of miserable, sobby,
slushy subsoil of the swamp thus industriously excavated and
brought to light. A part of the dirt was then drawn back
upon it to assist the process of decay, already and originally
far gone in the cheap lumber selected for its construction.

In spite of this ludicrous fiasco, at the end of Mithoff’s second
year as mayor, a group of prominent citizens petitioned that as
a reward for his services he be given two or more lots in the town
cemetery. The men who signed this petition included a number
of people who were perennial office holders.‘°%* This fact, in
connection with the records of the whole period, constitutes strong
evidence that the affairs of the town throughout its history were
managed almost exclusively by a small group of prominent business
men, who took turns at holding public office.

In the election of April, 1853, Edward Meegel, founder of the
Carrollton Fire Company No. 1, defeated C. C. Porter, for mayor

106 Ibid., October 9, 1852.
107 Ibid., November 27, 1852.
108 Original Documents in Tulane University Library.

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by the close margin of 80 votes to 75.1!° The new councilmen were
F. Fischer, F. Schuler, F. Kern, S. R. Walker, J. L. Donnellan
and P. Stoulig, men whose names made Carrollton history.

This administration was active in levee work. The levee had
always been a matter of great importance to Carrollton. The
council let contracts year in and year out for its maintenance;
patch-work was continuously going on. By 1851 it was evident
that something would have to be done or Carrollton would be flooded
by the Mississippi. Although the construction of a levee would be
very expensive the council saw that something had to be done in
the way of protection. In Mithoff’s second administration it was
proposed to build a new levee, but on October 8, 1851, William
Ricker, a member of the legislature, wrote to the council pleading
with them not to build a levee until the legislature met because he
thought the legislature would build it.14° This accounts for the pro-
crastination on the part of the council in regard to building a new
levee. Something had to be done to appease the people, however,
and the Mithoff Council proceeded to award a few contracts in
1851 to do more patch-work on the existing construction. Henry
Deibel contracted to rebuild the levee between Madison (now
Dante) and Washington (now Fern).

The legislature did not yield the aid sought for at their next
session. The succeeding session did not bring consolation to the
impatient people of Carrollton either. They could wait no longer.
During Meegel’s administration the construction of a new levee
was begun. The resources at the disposal of the council were far
too small for so large an undertaking and aid was sought from the
government of New Orleans, which, being equally interested in
protection from the murky water of the Mississippi River, res-
ponded favorably with a $12,000 loan.'!2 The debt charged to
‘Carrollton was merely a matter of form and it remained undis-
charged until automatically cancelled by the union of the two
cities,11*

The surveyor, William H. Williams, had drawn a plan for the
proposed construction.** The levee would be 8 feet high with a
60-foot base. The incline on the river side would be gently sloping

10° Qarrollton Star, April 12, 1858.
er gee Documents in Tulane University Library.
118 Qarrolton Star, November 19. 1858; Daily Picayune, November 23, 1853.

21% Williams, loc. cit., 18.
114 Qarrollton Star, September 28, 18538.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 249

so as better to resist the action of the waves. The estimated cost
was about $4,265.20 plus $200 or $300 to make it about six inches
higher to allow for setting.

The new levee extended from Upper Line Street (now Mon-
ticello) to Washington Street (now Fern).!% The previous levee
of 1834 afforded sufficient protection below this point. In order
to complete as much of the levee as possible before the spring rise
the work was assigned in sections. A contract for building sections
8, 4, and 6 was let out to Henry Deibel, at 17c per cubic yard;
B. Lee contracted to build section 2 at 24c; Thomas Dillon, section
5 at 17c; and F. A. Rasler, section 1 at 24c.1**° These figures are
interesting in view of the fact that two of the sealed bids made
at that time offered to do the work at 25c per cubic yard, one of
which was Mr. Deibel’s.11* It is not known why this final price
was smaller unless the council rejected the bids. The contracts
called for the completion of the work by January 15, 1834.

The previous levees had been built as close to the river bank
as possible and as a result had been easily undermined. The new
levee was located on a range of property covered with buildings,
_several of which were owned by influential men of the town. As
could be expected they objected to its construction, but the council,
forced by public demand, disregarded all objections and carried
the project through.""* The unfortunate property holders sued the
corporation but according to a decision rendered by the Supreme .
Court, it was declared “that the owners of property fronting on
the Mississippi held it subject to the contingency of being occupied
for the construction of levees; that in having their lands thus
occupied, the owners were not deprived of their ownership or title,
but were still owners as before, and that therefore the public were
not required to pay for land thus occupied, since they merely used
it under a servitude, without becoming the owner.”?® The claim-
ants, however, were declared entitled to compensation for the
destruction of buildings or improvements and most of them received
an indemnity from the council.}”°

The program of public improvements carried on by Mayor
Meegel and his associates in the Council hastened the growth of
Carrollton. Public expenditures had been great and, as was pointed

115 Williams, loc. cit..
116 Qarrollton Noveinber 26. 1853.
illiams, loc. cit.,

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out before, a debt was incurred. A special tax was levied to meet
this debt to New Orleans*”! and the amount collected exceeded the
sum needed. The bonds were nevertheless not discharged and
when the council increased the salaries of the officers its members
were strongly reprimanded by the public. Newspaper articles con-
demned the actions of the body. The following newspaper span te
shows the dissatisfaction :?22

. In the opinion of a majority of the people of this
community, never has our interest been so unblushingly
trifled with, the money so wantonly squandered as under the
administration of the present Council. In truth, they seem to
have regarded the population of this town as a parcel of Dutch
Asses to be ridden for their amusement and to bear quietly
any burthen they chose to impose on them. Let the facts
speak for themselves.

lst. — They raised the salaries of all officers and re-
established the old ones, increasing the expenses of the town
some 12 or 1500 dollars, without being as well served as
formerly.

| Ond. - — They have wantonly and without law or authority,
violated the solemnly pledged faith of the town, in expending
a sum of money which was in hand, collected under a special
law and for a special purpose, and which belonged to the
City of New Orleans, or to the people who paid it, and not to
the Council. Such an act of bad faith to the creditors as well
as to the people of this town, is without parallel in the history
of any corporation.

3rd. — They have not only expended this money which
was in hand when they came into office, but what has become
of that which had been collected since, of this special tax? Is
this all gone? If so, then next year the whole of this $12,000
with three years’ interest will have to be retaxed and re-
collected off the people. These men are liable to be sued and
made to repay this sum, that they have thus directed from
its proper use.

4th. — In violation of any recognized right of the people

of a free country, they did these things secretly, and have

allowed their Treasurer to carry over from time to time bal-

- ances as being cash on hand, to the credit of the special fund,

which they knew were false, (at least saying so), thus en-

deavoring to impose upon the people whose money they have
illegally expended.

121 Carrollton Star. November 26. 18538.
122 Tbid., March $1, 1855.

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The election returns of April 2, 1855, introduced a new mayor,
Dr. J. L. Donnellan, and four new councilmen, W. Colby, F. Brown,
J. D. Kamper, and F. A. Raslar.’** These men with the two re-
elected members, F. Fischer and E. B. Robinson, formed the council.
The offices being filled annually by this body were secretary and
comptroller, treasurer and collector, surveyor, attorney, printer,
principal assessor and two assistants, commisary, jailer, pound
keeper and sexton. |

The neighboring city of Lafayette had been annexed to New
Orleans on February 23, 1852.'!74 An election was held to determine
which town would succeed Lafayette as the Seat of Justice of the
Third Judicial District Court of the parish of Jefferson. The Star
of July 9, 1853, announced the victory of Carrollton. Appropria-
tions were made for building a courthouse and a jail at the parish
seat. A square of ground located at the foot of Canal Street (now
Carrollton Avenue) was bought of a Mr. C. C. Duncan for the sum
of $7,000.125 The square was decidedly one of the most convenient
sites that could have been selected for the purpose. The courthouse
building contract was disposed of for $59,000 to Messrs. Wing and
Crozier.!2° The work was completed during the administration of
Mayor Donnellan. An article in the Star of December 12, 1855,
announced:

We are happy to inform our readers and the people of

_ our flourishing parish in general that the new Court House

is completed, and the officers have taken possession thereof.

We also learn that a contract has been given out for the fencing
of the square .

The building still stands today and has become the McDonogh
School No. 23.

Donellan, in answer to public appeal, built a schoolhouse on
Jefferson Street (now Joliet) in 1855. His successor built another
on Washington Street (now Fern) in 1856.17"

Henry H. Gogreve was elected mayor in April, 1856.1°° At
the same election the people voted 58 to 52 in favor of amending
the charter. Among other things the amendments provided for
a new method of collecting taxes. | |

134 Legislature (1852), 55-57.
25 Carrollton Star, November 23,
Ibid., February 27. 1854.
127 See footnotes on next chapter.
128 Carrollton Star, April 12, 1856.

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The next mayor of Carrollton was Benjamin Mason, a man
of strong determination. Street paving was initiated during his
term of office (1857). Brick pavements were laid down on Levee
Street (now Leake) and Dublin Street.!*® Mason was still in office
when the town charter was again remodelled. A new amendment
provided for the election of eight members to the council instead
of six. Four new members would be elected each year.}*°

Archibald S. Forth succeeded Mason as Mayor. Through his
indefatigable activities Carrollton Avenue became a shell road
(1860) .1*2 It was fifteen feet wide and filled with four inches of
lake brick bats, two inches of oyster shells and three inches of lake
shells on top. The road was well rolled and finished off.

Of four candidates running for mayor on October 9, 1861,
Samuel Pursell was successful. He received 106 votes; Arthur
Wise, 62; M. C. Davis, 26; and J. H. Hodge, 5.182 Debts had begun
to accumulate. A financial report for the year 1862 showed an
excess of liabilities of $21,850.1%* Because of this mounting debt,
but more because of the Civil War, public improvements were very
few i in the next three years.

By 1862 the Union Army had taken possession of Carrollton
and a Provost Marshal was placed in charge of it. Under his super-
vision an election was held on October 6, 1862, in which Chris
Deibel was elected mayor.'** Probably because of his loyalty to
the Confederacy he declined the position, and a second election
resulted in victory for Samuel Pursell.1* The Provost Marshal
declared two of the elected councilmen, W. Mayo and D. M. Hollings-
worth, disqualified because they had registered themselves as
enemies of the United States Government.

Francis Charles Zeller followed Pursell as mayor, on October
5, 1863.1°° His reelection, in October, 1864,'°7 marked the resump-
tion of public undertakings in Carrollton. Side-walks were paved
and a general curbing of banquettes was commenced.

In the election of 1865 Pursell yielded the office of mayor
to F. C. Zeller,15* but the very next year saw Pursell again holding

12° Williams, loc. cit.,

180 Referred to in Record Book C, p. 49.
181 Williams. loc. cit.,

182 Record Book C, p. 49.

133 Tbid., 52.

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135 Ibid., 97
18¢ Thid., 186
*;
187 Tbid., 181
138 Tbid., 288

The History of the City of Carrollton 253

the reins of government. His activities in the field of education
are treated in another chapter. He died in office, November 5,
1867.15° F. C. Zeller was appointed mayor of the city by military
order,'*° and, by election, retained it during 1868.

The council did not function smoothly under Zeller. With the
exception of the mayor and one or two of his close friends the.
members of this governing body were in favor of launching a public
improvement campaign. A conflict between. the two opposing
factions grew out of a report read to the council by the mayor.
His report was as follows :1*!

Gentlemen:

As the executive officer of Carrollton, as President of
your Honorable Body and as a citizen Taxpayer, I feel it my
duty to call your attention to several important matters which
the whole community is interested in. The city is largely in
debt. The council is limited to one per cent tax each year and
property cannot be assessed higher than selling prices.

Political events have caused stagnation in business... .
Crime and lawlessness among the negroes controlled by reck-
less whites, has increased criminal fees account to an enormous
amount. The same courses have prevented the payment of
state taxes and so we have received but little assistance from
the state during the last seven years .... In view of these
facts, I respectfully ask your Honorable Body to pause and
consider well what they do. We are limited in the amount of
tax to be imposed, and if we were not, the people cannot bear
any more... make no new debts.... You should consider that
the tieing up large sums of the current revenues for special
purposes in total disregard of previous obligations will bring
the city into contempt and finally destroy its credit. Our
cash and time warrants are out to a large amount and are
depreciating in value daily and many large holders have in-
formed me lately that they will not buy another .... The
contemplated shell road in first street if carried out, will
increase the city debts without any commensurate advan-

tages....
Zeller, Mayor.

A committee composed of councilmen McConnico, Petersen

and Tebbe wrote the following reply to the mayor’s report :'*

189 Tbid., 374.

141 Tbid., 429-430.
142 Jbid., 428-429. The secretary entered the committee’s reply before entering the mayor's
report in his minutes. .

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Gentlemen:

Having examined the Mayor’s message of Blank date,
presented at the last session of the council 29th ult. and re-
ferred to this committee, we find the document so remarkable
and uncalled for as to induce us to believe its contents did not
emanate from himself voluntarily, but that he was swayed by
the gratuitous advice and counsel of some party or parties,
who have for years past opposed every improvement to our
city, who seems to care nothing for the interest and welfare
of our citizens, and thinking only of their own self-aggrandize-
ment have paused for many years and opposed all improve-
ments offered for the common welfare of the people, unless
perchance such might inure to their special benefit.

The Mayor says the “City is largely in debt.” We say
to you that the city’s debts are less than any other Town of
its size and population in this country, that the municipal tax
is lighter and the amount of assessment of Real Estate below
the actual value of Property by Thousands of Dollars, with
probably the Exception of a few Properties somewhat over
assessed in 1867, when all Real Estate was at high prices....

We know that our taxation is limited to one per cent
(1%) and that entirely on Real Estate, as the Mayor informs
us very kindly. This limit of Taxation is in the charter and
ordinance of the City. Other towns North, West, and in the
Middle States of the country impose a Real Estate, Personal,
Poll, Road and School Tax.

The Warrants and Bonds of both New Orleans and Jef-
ferson City are worth only in market from 50c to 65c per
dollar, while Carrollton Warrants even in this great deprecia-
tion of Securities owing to political and monetary causes,
keep up their value to about 15% discount, or 85 cents per
Dollar. New Orleans and Jefferson City are now constantly
improving their streets, thereby inducing people to purchase
and locate in such improved streets, rendering the property
doubly valuable and increasing the Revenue to some extent.
The debts of Carrollton are trifling in comparison with other
Towns of its importance and situation, not more than $10,000
as far as we can ascertain at present with the Exception of
One Item of Levee Debts, which will very probably never be

with with all proper
Economy and obtain as many avenues to our city as possible,
and Carrollton must and will prosper in a short time, its
revenues be increased by the influx of many citizens, and the
consequent advance in the prices of Property.

S. B. McConnico, H. Tebbe,
A. H. M. Petersen, Committee.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 255

Another difficulty was that the collection of back taxes had
been sadly neglected. The thrifty Zeller saw the possibility of
refinancing the dilapidated treasury. He ordered the attorney to
bring suit against those citizens who would refuse to pay their
back taxes. The officials of the N.O. & C. R.R. Co. who were four
years in arrears, petitioned the council to settle out of court. The
little corporation had scored a victory. The resolution adopted by
the council read as follows :1**

Resolution — That the aforementioned compromise of the New
Orleans and Carrollton Railroad Company be and the same is
hereby accepted and that on their paying the proposed sum
of twelve hundred and thirty-one dollars and eighty cents with
interest and the cost of their opposition filed in Court and the
attorney’s commission, said New Orleans and Carrollton Rail-
road Company shall be relieved and released from any higher
and greater indebtedness for the back taxes for the years
1865-66-67 and 1868, hereby reduced by mutual compromise,
from $1531.80 to $1231.80 for the sake of peace and com-
promise alone and without admission of any double assessment
or over assessment, or any error whatsoever, the parties
litigant being equally solicitous to put an end to a litigation
mutually costly and annoying.

Mayor F. C. Zeller died on September 26, 1869. At the polls,
on October 4, 1869,'*4 Theodore Meeks was elected mayor. At the
first council meeting presided over by the new mayor a letter from
Jean Jacques Roman, attorney of Carrollton, was read stating that
the Carrollton Police would be absorbed by the apacenges se forces
of New Orleans. He wrote:

The Supreme Court, in the case of the Mayor and Council
of the City of Carrollton against the Board of Metropolitan
Police, have, at the May term of 1869, decided that under the
Metropolitan Act of the 14th of September 1868 declared to
be so far constitutional the Mayor and Council of the City of
Carrollton are divested of all Police Powers which are exclu-
sively conferred on the Board of Metropolitan Police.'*®

This was the first step towards merging with New Orleans.

Meeks is regarded as the father of the St. Charles shell road.
In a council meeting of January 14, 1870, the following resolution
was adopted

C, p. 508.
144 Tbid.,

148

146 Ibid. 551.

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Whereas, the Police Jury Left Bank has completed their
Shell Road on St. Charles Street, to our Lower Line Street,
and whereas it behooves this council to show the same energy
and to continue said shell Road to the Avenue of this city: Be
it Resolved that the Mayor is authorized to contract for and
purchase Twelve Thousand barrels of shells to be Applied for
that purpose payable in bonds at twelve months bearing eight
per cent interest.

The road was eighteen feet wide with wanes inches of loose shells
on the surface. It was made without contracts, by the proper
officers and employees of the corporation.'*7

Dewitt F. Bisbee, successor to Meeks, carried on an extensive
paving project.** It was partly through his influence that —
gas was introduced in Carrollton. Forty-five bonds of $1,000 each
were issued by the council to the Jefferson City Light Company in
1872.49 This opened the way for later criticism.

Zuinglius McKay, a new citizen in the city, was elected mayor
to follow Bisbee.45° His administration shows no new undertakings
worth mentioning. Carrollton’s last mayor was Albert G. Brice.'*!
When he came to office the Carrollton bonds had fallen consider-
ably, and the council had practically ceased to issue them. The
introduction of a bill in the state legislature proposing annexation
of Carrollton to New Orleans served as an impetus to public
improvements in the smaller city. As New Orleans would assume
Carrollton’s debts if annexation took place, the council of the little
satellite began contracting for public works with little regard to
cost. James Rodgers was awarded a contract for constructing
twenty-five fire wells; another contract, adjudicated to J. J. O'Hara,
called for brick pavements on the following streets :15"

On Hillary Street, Northwest side, from Levee to Zimple.
On Adams Street, Northwest side, from St. Charles to
Plum, and on the Southeast side from St. Charles to
Burthe.
On Burthe Street, South side, from Mary to Lowerline.
On Leonidas Street, Northwest side, from Levee to Zimple.
~ On Monroe Street, Northwest side, from Levee to Fourth.
On Monroe Street, Southeast side, from Levee to Fourth.
On Zimple Street, South side, from Monroe to Leonidas.

147 Tbid., 564.

148 Williams, loc. cit., 25.

149 Daily Picayune, March 13, 1916.
aa Williams, loc. cit..

26.
152 Carrollton Sentinel, Janaury 10, 1874.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 257

O’Hara received $1.55 per foot for paving these streets. He
had also been awarded, at the same council meeting, a second con-
tract to curb the banquettes on Burthe, Burdette, and Leonidas
streets.

This work, commenced in the administration of Mayor Brice,
was completed under the supervision of the authorities of New
Orleans, as Carrollton had become part of the great ee on
March 23, 1874.15

CHAPTER V—EDUCATION

The first measure passed by the Council of Carrollton was
an ordinance dated August 27, 1845, establishing a public school.’™
The school was under the guidance of a board of five administrators
or directors with the Mayor acting as President. The directors
were elected annually. A building erected on the corner of Dublin
and Hampson Streets served as the first schoolhouse. It was
opened that same year and for a period of ten years it remained
the only public institution of its kind in Carrollton.

Private schools which had been in operation before the in-
corporation of the town were very much in favor with the public.
In the Carrollton Star of March 29, 1851, we find the following
advertisement:

Carrollton Female Boarding School
conducted by
Mrs. Hamner and Mrs. Shroyer

Is now open for the reception of Young Ladies, at the brick
house, formerly known as the residence of the late G. R.

Stringer, Esq.

Terms
Boarding and washing, per session 5 months $65.00
Tuition $25.00
Music, with the use of the instrument $30.00
Drawing and Painting | $20.00

Agitation for a new public school began in the year 1851. The
Board of Administration at the sitting of May 12, 1852, adopted
the following resolution :

-188 Aete of the Louisiana Legislature, (1874), No. 71, pp. 119-122.

184 Williams, loc. cit., 17.
188 Ibid.

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Resolved, That in the opinion of this board the present
school is wholly inadequate to the demands of the town, the
rooms being too small and badly ventilated for the purpose of
comfort, health and good government.

Resolved therefore, That the board recommend to the
Council, the appropriation of $2,500, for the purpose of build-
ing a new School house upon the plans submitted, capable of
holding 200 pupils, distributed in the manner found most ap-
proved in the best regulated schools.

Resolved therefore, That the board further recommend to
the Council the use of the Southwest corner of the square,
fronting say 150 feet on the Avenue and 170 feet on Hampson |
— for the erection of the School house fronting on the

venue.

That conditions in the schoolhouse were deplorable is clearly

seen in a letter written by the principal of the school to the board.
It reads :15¢

Gentlemen:

Since the first of February there have been 42 admissions
to the public schools by permit.

In the principal’s room there are 37 regular pupils.
In the 2nd Department there are 40 regular pupils.

In the 3d Department there are 48 regular pupils. Making
a total of 125 regular attendants. The number of pupils ¢ on
the rolls of the several departments will amount to 141.

I consider it my duty to report the 3d Department as
liable to become extremely unhealthy on account of the
poor ventilation of the room. Indeed the atmosphere has
during the past week been almost unendurable by the teachers.
The exhalation from 56 bodies are enough to poison the air
of such a room during the winter, but in mid-summer and
in this climate it is cruel to continue such a punishment. I
must in this connection mention with commendation the good
order introduced into this department by Miss Fulton, who
has labored patiently to bring all the good possible out of the
means and accommodations at her command.

Res. your Ob’t Serv’t,
D. S. Oliphant, Principal.

Because of the bad conditions the board declared that school

would be dismissed on July 3rd and would remain closed until the
Council responded to the application for a school house suited to

15¢ Carrollton Star, June 14, 1851.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 259

the necessities of the town. The committee of Streets and Landings
reported to the council at their sitting of June 25, 1851, that on —
investigation they found the need for more schoolrooms was great
and would recommend the building of a new school house,!*’
provided, of course, the town could afford it. Feeling that it was
their “duty to protect the public interest in other matters” as
well and they had to “dispense the loaves and fishes for the good
of all’’,+5* the Council decided not to construct a new schoolhouse
as the financial status of the Treasury did not permit it, but instead
to build an additional room to the schoolhouse and whitewash the
whole building.

Three teachers were employed in the Carrollton School in 1851.
They had been given an increase in pay over their predecessors.
The Principal received $900 per year, one of the assistant teachers,
~ half that sum, and the other $350. Enrolled in the school were 140
pupils. Taking into consideration only the salaries paid the teach-
ers, the yearly expense for the education of each pupil was $12.14,
a moderate sum, indeed, when compared to the cost of education in
New Orleans and the neighboring cities.

The controversy over the schoolhouse had not prevented the
preparation for the usual July 4th exercises. The Star of July
12, 1851, contains an account of the celebration:

Fourth of July Celebration: Despite of the heat of the day,
we had quite a spirited celebration of the glorious Fourth all
.to ourselves. The citizens of our town turned out en masse to
witness the exercises of the pupils of our schools in the large
Saloon of the Carrollton Garden, conducted by D. S. Oliphant,
Superintendent, the exercises consisted of reading and speak-
ing, and did credit to our youths of both sexes, and gave
general and unbounded satisfaction to all present. Great credit
is due to Mr. Oliphant for the masterly efficiency and method
of so on occasion.

After which ‘ae to the School
rooms, where a splendid collation was prepared and enjoyed.
A second adjournment was then made to the Ball room of
Mr. Kerner, where our youths finished the day in dancing
and roaming generally.

P. Souliar, editor of the Star pointed out in an article written
on October 4, 1851, that as long as the board and council did not

187 Toid., Tune 14, 1851.
188 Ibid., July 10. 1851.

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* pull together, education would be impeded in Carrollton. Every
year brought about a change of teachers and text books. The funds
were precarious. The board had to depend on the council for
appropriations, as they had no fund of their own. In this manner
the council dictated to both the board and the teachers. |

Short courses were often offered by Professors who would
travel from town to town giving instruction in subjects not taught
in the local school or schools. Such courses were patronized mostly
by the adults. In the Star of November 8, 1851, appeared the
following announcement:

Geography School

Mr. L. A. Bacon has opened a school for students in Geo-
graphy at the house of Mr. J. Godstine, corner of Second and
Dublin Streets. He proposes to teach a knowledge of the Maps -
in fifteen days. This and much more he is able to perform.
In the neighboring City of Jefferson he successfully taught
classes more than satisfying the public that his pretentions are
genuine. Those who cannot attend School during the entire
day, for a period of months at a time, would do well to =
ize Mr. Bacon.

Mr. Bacon’s method of teaching must have met with the ap-
proval of the Board as both he and his wife were appointed as
teachers in the Carrollton School for the session 1851-1852. The
examination of the Geography class made a lasting impression on
the editor of the local paper. He wrote

Examination

Examination of Mr. Bacon’s Geography Class. We must
confess that we were astonished—almost bewildered—lost in
admiration! From previous heresay we were prepared to
witness some masterly exercises, but it never entered our
cranium, that we were to be led with the rapidity of thought
through Africa, Asia, Europe, North and South America.
The Capitals, Chief towns, Mountains, and Railroads of these
grand divisions of the world were told with the utmost preci-
sion and lightening speed, so fast indeed that it was difficult
to keep pace with the class in Capes, Islands, Seas, Peninsulas,
Bays, Straits, etc....

Something like a thousand questions were put and an-
swered in the short space of one hour and a half, and but one
blunder made by the class... .

159 Jbid., November 29, 1851.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 261
The School Board elected for the year 1852 was made up large-

ly of members of the Council. This did not meet with the approval
of the people at large. The struggle was no longer between the
two bodies but within the Board itself. The editor of the Star did
not hesitate to take up the cause of the public. An extract from
one of his editorials is as follows:

Let the council either give the board the entire control of
the funds, and make their own annual appropriations to in-
crease the State donation, and then keep members of the coun-
cil out of the board, and appoint men who know something
about what schools ought to be, and who can judge of the
qualifications of teachers, and the progress of pupils; or abolish.
the whole board and let their duties be done by a committee of
the council, and keep the school fund, as at present, always in
the town Treasury. The present school board is unfit for
the trust, because they utterly neglect it, and never visit the
ee meet to transact business. Turn them out root and

ran

Although Mr. Bacon and his two assistants, Mrs. Bacon and

Mrs. Cox, were apparently very popular with the public, the School
Board appointed new teachers for the next school year, November,
1852, to October, 1853. One of the applicants was a Mr. David
Young. His application written in verse, found’among the original
documents at the Tulane University Library, was as follows:

The Honorable Board of Directors
Thus to you I address my petition

Who are now the Citizens Benefactors
And they depend on your wise decision.

For a competent teacher to elect

To teach in your Public Schools

Who will not his duty neglect

Nor forget your injunctions and rules.

For the stipulated amount I do offer

My services in the promulgation of truths
And should you in wise reasoning confer
On me the responsible charge of youths.

It will be my earnest endeavor to do

The duties which on me as a teacher devolve
And study my duty to satisfy you |
By keeping good order and each problem solve.

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Should the applicant seem to meet your views

He will produce all the certificates, which to a
teacher belong

At 141 Canal Street address the news

To Your Most Obedient Servant David Young.

Young did not receive an appointment. Mr. E. Richardson
was the new principal, and Miss M. E. Pierson and Miss J. W.
Johnstone were chosen as his assistants. The board had appointed
these teachers in secret session which suggested foul play. <A series
of personal attacks against the “Professor”, a member of the board,
was carried on in the columns of the Star. The “Professor” was
accused of attempting to place teachers of his preference in the
school. One of these articles concluded as follows:

In winding up this article which is already too long, we
would beg the privilege of the Professor, of giving a word or
two of advice. Cease to seem to be that which you never can
be, and that which would be hopeless on your part to aspire to
be (ie.) A GREAT MAN. Try and make yourself a little
more popular if you can, as no one that we know of has less
popularity than yourself—with this ends chapter one.

When it was learned that the teachers’ salaries had been in-
creased the attack was continued with renewed vigor. A letter to
the Editor of the Star condemned the board’s action:

With due deference to the opinion and honesty of the in-
-tentions of the majority of the board, I would ask what was
the necessity of raising the salary of the principal teacher,
when the present incumbent was an applicant for the place at
the former price! Again, where is the reason for raising the
first assistant’s salary, when at an election 3 or 4 months since
to fill a vacancy, there was 15 applicants at the then existing
salary; and again, of what use is it to pay three teachers more
than four could be had for, and of the same, or perhaps better
qualifications; and again why alter the rules to the detriment
of the school, to enable them to go to New Orleans in the three
o’clock cars, ‘when it should be made the duty of all the teach-
ers to reside in this town. Here is an afternoon session of one
hour and three-quarters, and should a scholar require punish-
ment, there is no time to inflict it. Oh, no! the BEF would
miss the car if they did their duty to the school. .. . 16!

In 1853 we find the movement for a new school in full swing
again. The prospects for such a building were dim as much money

160 Tbid., October 80, 18538.
161 Jbid., November 13. 1852.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 263

had been sunk in the “Common Sepulchre on Canal Avenue’’,!®? by
which gruesome term was meant the plank road on Canal Avenue,
which had proved a dismal failure. But the need of a new school-
house was pressing. References were made to the “one hundred
an eighty children sweltering and stifling in the Black Hole—
rendering Carrollton a rival to Calcutta.’”** The council’s attempt
to remedy the situation by building an additional room was called

a “spasmodic show of sympathy and succor.””?*

Some changes were being introduced in the school program.
The older and more advanced pupils were separated into distinct
male and female departments. Special attention was given to the
teaching of Reading, Writing, and Arithmetic, these being con-
sidered the basic studies for the business pursuits of life. Geogra-
phy, Grammar and the History of the United States completed the
regular schedule. A few pupils were introduced into Algebra and
Natural Philosophy to which the board did not have any objections
provided it did not take away the time of the teachers from other
pupils engaged in the more elementary and more essential branches.

At the council meeting of December 28, 1853, a special com-
mittee appointed to select a site for the location of a new school-
house reported that they had bargained for and purchased, subject
to the approval of the Council, six lots of ground of a Mr. Du
Roches, on the corner of Madison (now Dante) and Third (now
Freret) streets, for the sum of $1100, one-fourth the amount to be
paid in cash and the balance in installments, with 8% interest.
The other members of the council must have rejected this purchase,
as we find a notice in the Star of June 16, 1855, announcing that
the examination of the public schools of the town would take place
on Thursday, 21st, at the Jefferson (now Joliet) Street school-
house and on Friday, 22nd, at the Washington (now Fern) Street
schoolhouse. The council must have responded favorably to the
appeals of the people and built two new schoolhouses. A central
high school was established in 1858, but, due to the lack of patron-
age, closed shortly afterwards.}©

In accordance with the twelfth section of the Act of Incorpora-
tion of the City of Carrollton an ordinance was passed on June 12, |
1861, which provided for the annual election of seven directors by

July 80, 1858.
108 Ibid.
164 |
165 Williams, loc. cit., 17.

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_ the mayor and council.1** The directors were authorized to estab-
lish as many schools and departments as might be required to give
gratuitous education to all the white children. It was their duty to
report quarterly to the council on the conditions of the schools. Aid
was being received from the state by this time as there survives in
the Tulane University Library a treasurer’s receipt for $473.29 for
state contribution for education in Carrollton for the year 1865.

The Civil War was detrimental to education in the whole south.
In Carrollton the schools were left without funds. The few teach-
ers who remained were poorly paid; the school sessions were irregu-
lar. After the war several attempts were made to encourage edu-
cation. Samuel Pursell’s inaugural address to the Council, as
Mayor, delivered on October 10, 1866, began thus :'*

Among our various duties, I look upon that of the educa-
tion of our children as the first and most important; establish
our Public Schools on a thorough and progressive basis and
you will attract a population that will give character and in-
fluence to our place second to none, as it is in locality, within
the environs of the city of New Orleans. We have done some-
thing it is true, but have not advanced with the requirements
of our people. With a superior locality, a population number-
ing three thousand or more, over five hundred children be-
tween the ages of six and sixteen, equal to any others in ma-
terial intellect, we are to-day dependent on the generosity of
the authorities of the City of New Orleans (and it has been
liberally extended by them) for the admission of our advanced
pupils to their schools, to prepare them for the High Schools,
to which many children owe their qualifications to fit them for
positions they now hold, many of them being teachers both
there and here. ...

Pursell led the movement for a central school. During the
summer of 1867 the hall of the Star Hook and Ladder Co. No. 1
was occupied by the girls’ branch of the proposed central school.
A new building could not be provided because of lack of funds.
Mayor Pursell urged the council to appropriate money for colored |
schools. At his death, on November 5, 1867, much had been done
toward the furtherance of education in Carrollton. A report sub-
mitted to the council on March 25, 1868, by W. H. William, presi-
dent of the school board, shows that much progress had taken place
in the preceeding few months. It reads :1®

166 Record Book O, Council Meetings, January 23, 1861, to May 4, 1870, p. 24. Oarrollton
Se a Oity Charter in 1859.—Acts of the Louisiana Legislature, (i859), No, 277,
pp.

187 Record Book O, Council Meetings, January 23, 1861, to May 4, 1870, p. 24.

1*8 Record Book C, p. 400.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 265

Under authority given by the late resolution of your Hon.
Body, the Board have established two additional schools for the

attendance of colored children—a Boys School in the Clinton

Street colored church, and a Girls School in the Adams Street

Church. . . . As yet, they are not very well filled, there being

aa ones 40 pupils in the Boys School and 56 in the Girls
ool.

The Washington School for Boys and the Jefferson School
for Girls are in their usual condition. The number of teachers
in these two schools is seven, their names, situations and
salaries being as follows:

In the Washington School, Mr. D. J. Rast, principal, at
$100 per month; Miss Louisa Clawson, Ist assistant, at $40 per
month; Miss Virginia Clawson at $35 per month and Mrs.
Whaley at $35 per month. In the Jefferson School, Miss Julia
Oswald, principal, at $65 per month; Miss Anderson, Ist as-
sistant, at $40 per month, and Mrs. Getty at $35 per month.
School has 184 pupils and the Jefferson

ool 146. |

The cost of education would have been less burdensome to the
city treasury had it not been for the cost of books. The appropria-
tions for books were numerous. A resolution passed on November
18, 1868, remedied the situation by making it compulsory for the
pupils to furnish their own books and stationery.** The Wash-
ington School!” became a colored school in 1870.

} ‘ Besides the public schools, there were in 1876, four denomina-

tional schools in operation. Each of these schools had its own
building. Many years before annexation to New Orleans, a girls’
school had been founded in connection with the Catholic Church.
It was under the supervision of the Sisters of Charity. The school
was situated on Cambronne Street near Burthe Street. Between
1870 and 1876 three other parochial schools sprang up. On the cor-
ner of Cambronne and the present Freret streets was built a boys’
and girls’ school, under the wing of the German Catholic Church.
The First German Protestant Church founded a similar school on
the corner of Madison (now Dante) and Third (now Freret) ; and a
second, connected with the German Protestant Church was set up
on Burthe Street, between Dublin and Madison streets. A small
tuition was collected from the pupils for the maintenance of the
schools.

169 Tbid., 452.
170 Located on what is now Fern Street.

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CHAPTER VI—ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS

Amusements

Carrollton never suffered from the lack of amusements. The
wonderful gardens, which have already been mentioned in a pre-
vious chapter, were the scenes of many gay festivities. It was an
ideal place to have picnics, fairs, and other social functions.

Dances were popular in Carrollton. Scarcely a week went by
without several balls. Besides the dances given by the schools,
others were sponsored by the different Fire Companies, the Ger-
man Benevolent Society (formed in 1850). and various other
organizations. New Year’s, Mardi Gras, the Fourth of July, Easter
and Christmas furnished the occasions for having additional balls.
They were conducted in private homes, the several fire halls and
the large hotel.

To the delight of the children, and we suspect of the grown-
ups also, Carrollton was frequented by the circus and flying horses.
Whenever a circus came to New Orleans, it usually moved to the
little suburban city for a day or two. The Star of November 29,
1851, heralded the glad tidings that the Spaulding Circus had come
to town. It commented:

Spaulding Circus—performances are excellent, good rid-
ing, extraordinary equestrian feats, the richest jokes, the
exhibition of unequalled dexterity and muscular strength,
songs and music.

John Schoebel was given permission in May, 1864, to put up
his Flying Horses in the city for daily performances, provided he
paid a license of $20 for the balance of the year 1864!" It might be
remarked that business must have been booming in Carrollton for
Schoebel to remain eight months on a stretch. ee

Banquets were not limited to the visitors of the hotel, as one
would be led to believe if he read many accounts of this famous
center of activities. All firemen’s parades, and they took place
quite often, ended with a sumptuous feast at their company hall.
In the Star of October 4, 1852, we find one of Souliar’s descrip-
tion of those Epicurean delights. Concerning the celebration of
the Carrollton Fire Co. No. 1, he wrote:

171 Record Book OC, p. 166.

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The History of the City of Carrollton — 267

. . . There were seats for about 100 persons which were
all filled by the company and their invited guests, the table
literally groaned under the weight of Roast Pigs, Turkeys,
Ducks, Chickens, and Wines of all descriptions, and a few more
such might have weighed it down....

Occasionally Carrollton was the scene of a rather remarkable
bit of fun—the Charivari. Here is an account of a Charivari that
greatly perturbed the local editor :*”

The usually quiet and tranquil vicinity of Madison street
has been vexed for the last two or three nights by a din the
most deafening and damnable that mortal tympanum was ever
tortured by. The awful mystery of the Charivari is responsi-
ble for the hideous uproar—its rites having been invoked to
celebrate an affair of Hymen, on the old ‘January and May’
model which has recently transpired in our town.

Both the parties are Teutons. The Groom, though a Sinner
of 62 years, atones for his antiquity by a rejuvenating widow-
hood of only 3 weeks. The Bride is a blushing nymph upon
whom the Saur Kraut of only 16 summers, has left its mark
of plumpening pulchritude. |

The Priest of the Charivari, thinking that a beatitude so
extraordinary ought not to be obtained at a rate too cheap, set
a value of twenty-five dollars upon it, which the antique
amorist was required to pay their mystic exchequer. And in
default thereof, all the melodious miseries of their Rite have
been nightly brought to bear upon the twain, with the double
motive of celebrating the conjugation and coercing the coin.
Fifes, drums, horns, pans, bells, rattles, yells, whoops are some
of the mildest instruments used by the performers in this
orchestra. January’s pockets still remain

‘Newspapers

For he who takes the papers,

And pays the bill when due,

Can live in peace with God and man,
And with the printer too.!™ |

In 1849 Peter Souliar set up his printing office on the south-
west corner of Levee (now Leake Avenue) and Cambronne streets,
and began publishing the Carrollton Star. Souliar was elected
printer for the corporation but it did not prevent him from carry-
ing on an active campaign against corruption in the town govern-

178 Carroliton Star, November 16, 1853.
178 Thid., June 10, 1851. Verse by P. Souliar.

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268 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

ment. Financial difficulties caused him to stop printing his paper
for a few years, but in 1851 the Carrollton Star once more came
into existence. It announced its platform as that of “neutrality”.
An independent course was followed in both politics and religion
and the paper was a ready exponent of every matter affecting the
public interest. Its columns were free and open to both political
parties within the community. Subscriptions sold for three dollars
per annum.

In January, 1854, James S. Flanning removed his press from
the neighboring City of Lafayette and set it up in Carrollton.'™
He commenced the publication of the Louisiana Statesman asa
Democratic organ. The council wishing to repay Souliar for ex-
posing their every move elected Flanning as treasurer and printer.
A vigorous rivalry ensued between the two printers. When Flan-
ning had trouble balancing his books Souliar let the public know
about it. The printing office of the Louisiana Statesman burned
down to the ground in June, 1855.1 The paper ceased publication.
The Star of April 26, 1856, contained its own valedictory :

We have struggled hard for the past five years, and yet
we have scarcely made anything (but a mere living) and that
from hand to mouth....

In taking leave of the people of Carrollton and the Parish
of Jefferson, we wish to bury all animosities and shake hands
with the world. ...

We cannot close these remarks, without returning our
deep and heartfelt thanks to our friends in the parish, who
have assisted us from the commencement of our career, and
we now bid you a long, a last farewell. The ‘Carrollton Star’
ceases with this issue.

Souliar later returned to Carrollton and began publishing
another paper under the name of Carrollton Sentinel. The first
number appeared on October 4, 1873. A few months after the
annexation of Carrollton to New Orleans he removed to Gretna and
there continued publication under the name of Jefferson Sentinel.

Amos 8. Collins established himself in Carrollton in the year
1868 and began publishing the Louisiana State Register.‘ The
paper continued to operate after annexation. This was a Recon-
struction product and an organ of the Republicans.

174 Jbid., January 18, 1854.

176 Tbid., June 19, 1855.
176 Williams, loc. cit., 28. oe a

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The Carrollton Times, published by Peter Souliar, was making
its weekly appearance in 1863. On October 31, 1868, it became a
semi-weekly paper and shortly afterwards passed out of existence.
The printing office was located on Leake Avenue and Joliet Street.

Fire Companies and Fires

At a meeting held in Carrollton on July 28, 1849, the Carrollton
Fire Company No. 1 was organized.1*"* It was incorporated on
October 4, of the same year. Henry Deibel served as the first presi-
dent of the company ;!7* J. H. Smiley as first secretary and T. J.
Ernst as foreman. The company soon had a brick building in which
to house their double-decker hand engine. In 1875 it was organized
as a steam engine company.'”

On January 18, 1854, was organized the Star Hook and Ladder
No. 1.18° It was incorporated on March 16 of that year. It was
founded under the leadership of Peter Souliar, George Herrle, and
Samuel Pursell. As initial president was elected William Starts.
Other officers were: Joseph Burrows, first vice president, Peter
Souliar, first secretary, and James C. Wilson, first foreman. The
company used a Hartshorne truck pulled by hand'*! By 1875 horses
had been adopted for this task.

Independent Fire Company No. 2 was organized on March 5,
1864, and incorporated on the 14th of the following month. It also
started out as a hand engine company; its first engine being a
goose-neck with side breakers.'*? John Davenport was elected the
first president, M. C. Vanderwell, secretary, and A. S. Ferth, Fore-
man. It became a steam company in 1877.

Two other companies were established in Carrollton. The Star
of July 5, 1851, announced that the Liberty Fire Company No. 2
had been organized in the town. The Engine Company, Friendship
No. 3, was formed in 1875.18

The Firemen’s Charitable Association was organized in 1865
for the purpose of rendering aid or support to the families of de-
ceased members.*** In case of sickness the members were entitled

177 O’Conner, op. cit

178 Ibid. Witliame claims’ that Edward Meegel was the first president of the company.
See Williams, loc. cit..

179 O’Conner, op. 144,

180 Carrollton Star, January 26, 18438.

op. cit.. 145.

183 Williams, loc. cit., 25.
184 Tbid., 25.

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' to relief benefits. The association was made up of the members of
the three old fire companies of Carrollton—Carrollton No. 1, In-
dependent No. 2, and Star Hook and Ladder No. 1. Francis C.
Zeller was the first president of the organization; Frederick
Fischer served as first chief fire engineer.

The fire companies met their financial obligations with grants
from the council and especially from the receipts of subscription
dances. From the columns of the Sentinel of November 1, 1873. we
take the following notice:

Ye light trippers on the “fantastic toe” will bear in mind
that on New Year’s Eve, our gallant Independent fire boys will
give a grand fancy dress, masquerade and fireman’s ball, which
proceeds will be devoted to their own special benefits. We
shall make no allusion to ball-goers, as they will be on hand,
but to those wishing to help a good cause, we would say, go at
once and purchase a ticket of any of the managers at One Dol-
lar. You will also have an opportunity of “tripping” the old
year out and the new year in.

The need of fire companies was great. As most buildings were
made of wood, fire could spread very fast and destroy much prop-
erty. The puny engines used in those days could do but very little
to arrest the progress of a fire. The cooperation of several engines
was essential for the safeguarding of property. Fires were, un-
fortunately, very common. The Star of January 10, 1854, gives an
account of destruction wrought by the agent:

The fire broke out in the frame building belonging to Mr.
A. Curantier, occupied by himself as a dry goods and
clothing store, which was entirely consumed, together with all
the frame buildings on Levee, between Cambronne and Madi-
son streets; comprising in all, seven buildings. In less than
two and a half hours the entire buildings were reduced to
ashes. Carrollton Fire Company were promptly on the spot,
but were prevented in subduing the flames, as they had their
hands full to save the neighboring buildings across the street.
We are glad to learn that all the buildings were insured, but,
however, there was a large amount of goods entirely destroyed.
= loss and damages are estimated at from 30 to 40,000 dol-

Sincere thanks to the gallant “Jackson Fire 2 aad No.
18” of the city of New Orleans.

Mississippi Fire Co. No. 2 of New Orleans came but | ar-
rived too late.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 271

The Carrollton Times of March 19, 1864, gives the description
of another disastrous conflagration:

A fire took place in this city on Wednesday evening last,
at half-past two o’clock, on Cambronne Street, between Zimple
and Third, in the premises of Capt. Grass, and was occupied by
Mr. Folger, of the city of New Orleans. The fire when dis-
covered was rushing through the roof of the building, the
cause of the mystery is unknown, but there are many different
rumors afloat as to the actual cause of the same. The build-
ing was completely destroyed, and we could not ascertain as
to pagereioe » it was insured or not. All the furniture we believe
was saved.

After the fire had been nearly subdued in this quarter, the
two story-building of Mr. A. S. Ferth, a square off in the rear,
took fire on the roof, and was subdued by the indefatigable
exertion of the members of the “Star Hook and Ladder Com-

Hardly had this fire been extinguished before the splendid
building of our worthy Mayor, Mr. F. C. Zeller, now occupied
by the U. S. Troops, took fire just above the corniche, when the
members of the Star Hook and Ladder Company was again
called upon to place their ladders upon the building and in a
short space of time the flames were extinguished.

In answer to the appeals of the citizens of Carrollton, the coun-
cil contracted for the building of Fire Wells. The contract was
awarded to James Rodgers on January 7, 1874.'**> He was to con- |
_ struct twenty-five wells at convenient points in the town so that
the fire companies would have no trouble in securing water.
Rodgers was to receive $700 for each well constructed; the mayor
thought the price was too high and refused to sign the contract.
Matters were pressing as the annexation bill had been introduced
before the house. During the course of the next month the contract
was signed. The wells were completed after Carrollton became
part of New Orleans.

Market

A public market was established by an ordinance adopted at
the council meeting of May 3, 1848. The first article read, “Be it
ordained, That a market for the sale of butchers’ meat, ‘and also for
vegetables is established from and after the 11th day of May, 1848,

185 Carrollton Sentinel, January. 1874.

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272 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

in the market-house erected in Dublin street by the corporation.”’!*°
The market was let out annually to the highest bidder. The lessee
would rent the stalls to the butchers.

The market was the source of much agitation. It sometimes
happened that the building was leased to a butcher who would dis-
criminate against the other butchers. A cutthroat competition re-
sulted. Inferior grades of meat were sold. So numerous were the
complaints against the market that it earned for itself the titles of
“Meat Morgue” and “Temple of Taints’”’.'**? During the year 1852,
when C. C. Porter was the farmer, conditions were improved. In
the very next year it was as deplorable as ever before. A new mar-
ket was needed but the revenues did not justify the building of a
new one. Finally in the sixties a very beautiful market-house was
put up by Frederick Fischer. The work of construction was done
by John P. Hecker. He was authorized to pay himself out of the
revenues of the first fourteen years.'** The market was in constant
use up to 1916.'*®

Churches

Religious services were conducted in a small apartment con-
nected to the railroad depot in Carrollton for some time before the
incorporation of the town. The community was largely Protestant.
A Methodist Episcopal Church was completed in 1843.1 This
simple wooden structure was located on the east side of Joliet
Street, near Freret. The land had been donated by F. Preston.
The accomodations offered proved adequate as the building was
not torn down before 1875.

Catholic Services were conducted in an orphan asylum for
girls from the time of its foundation, 1845’ until a Catholic
Church was built. The orphan asylum was built by Catholics as a
branch of the St. Mary Asylum of New Orleans. A Catholic Church
was erected in 1847./°2 In later years it was enlarged and beauti-
fied. The same building, located on the west side of Cambronne
Street between Maple and Burthe streets, was still standing at the
time of annexation. .

186 Porter. op. cit.,
187 Qarrollton Star, ‘August 1853.
188 — op. cit., II, :

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The large German Protestant faction chose a site on Zimple
Street, between Leonidas and Monroe, as a suitable place for a
church of their denomination. It was constructed during the course
of the year 1849.18 Six years later a Presbyterian Church was
erected on Burdette Street between Hampson and Maple streets.'”
The growing German Catholic population built a church of their
own on the corner of Cambronne and Burthe streets in 1870.1"

Two large squares of land in the rear of the town were bought
by the Council in the early years of the corporation and had served
as the community cemetery. The early crevasses had filled this
section with sedimentary deposits making the soil very suitable for
burials.

Business

| Commercial life in Carrollton did not differ from that of the
small cities of today. It had its grocery stores, saloons, “segar”
shops,’®* drug stores, fruit shops, livery stables and saw mills.
There were always enough legal transactions to give occupation
to two or more lawyers. The religious duties were in the hands of
one or two ministers of each denomination. Only a very few doc-
tors were residents, but several of the New Orleans men of medi-
cine had offices in the suburban city. There was also a dentist.

Selling spirituous liquors must have been a thriving business
as there were, in 1851, at least sixteen commercial establishments
dealing in it, and in 1856 there were at least nine saloons and six
general stores licensed to sell it.1°*7 That it was quite a respectable
occupation is shown by the names of some of the men who owned
saloons, coffee houses, or general stores with a permit to sell alco-
holic beverages. Some of these were Henry Tebbe, Jacob Godstine.
George Kerner, Jacob Sax, C. Englemen, H. H. Gogreve and §S.
Pursell—men who served as mayor or councilmen or both.

In the early years of the corporation the general store was in
vogue. The license to operate one of these business places cost
thirty dollars per year.?® Although allowed to sell liquor it had to
be sold in quantities over a pint. The Star of April, 1853, contains
an advertisement of one of these stores, owned by C. C. Porter and
S. Pursell, two influential politicians of the town. It reads:

193 Tbid.
194 Tbid.

198 Ibid.

Documents in Tulane University Library.

198 Thid.
299 Ibid.

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274 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

General Store!!!! Corner of Levee and Monroe streets,
Carrollton. Groceries, Liquors, Hardware, Dry Goods, Crock-
ery, Clothing, Hats and shoes, Hay, Corn, Oats, Bran, etc.
constantly on hand and for sale at market price.

By 1878 the Carrollton Insurance Company was well estab-
lished in the small city and doing business in fire insurance in the
Parishes of Jefferson and Orleans. Its office was located on Hamp-
son Street, between Dublin and Madison (now Dante). In the year
1873 it had a capital of $100,000.2° F. Fischer was president, F.
Schuler vice president. Included on the list of Directors were the
names of N. Commandeur, H. Jurgens, George Herrle, H. Tebbe
and Jacob Sax.?°!

Business in Carrollton, from the beginning of the Corporation
to its annexation, was subject to taxation, which in some instances
was very heavy. In 1851 it cost $100 for a license to operate a
saloon, $30 to operate a general store, $25 for a grocery store with
a permit to sell spirituous liquors, $10 to keep a livery stable, $6
to operate a public cart and $1 for a private vehicle. By 1865
new businesses were being taxed. It cost $2.50 to operate a cake
shop, $2.50 to peddle coal, $2.50 to keep a fruit shop, $25 to operate
a “Segar” shop, $2.50 to operate a soda water shop; a private cart
now paid a $3 license.?°* To practice medicine a $5 annual fee had
to be paid to the city treasury. There was apparently a bank owned
by the N. O. and C. R. R. Company but the census shows no banker
which leads us to believe that the banker lived in New Orleans.

Povulati
When Carrollton was first surveyed by Zimple, the speculators
who owned the land had expected it to become a fairly large city
overnight. The rapidity with which the population augmented in
its early years as a town and corporation was not up to the expecta-
tion of the former owners. Nothing had been left undone to en-
courage new settlers to make their homes in the town—the railroad
had been built, a beautiful hotel set up, the cultivation of a beautiful
garden commenced, etc. In 1853 the total population was 1,885, of
whom 126 were slaves.2°* The yellow fever epidemic occurred the
next year and Carrollton, as well as New Orleans and the surround-
roe — Sentinel, October 4, 18738.
ree a Documents in Tulane University Library.
204 Carrollton Star, February 19. 1853.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 275

ing towns, felt its results. The influx of population practically
ceased and many of the residents died. There were 185 deaths in
the course of the epidemic up to September 23, 1853.2 As the
cooler season was fast approaching there must have occurred but
few deaths after this date. The census of 1856 shows a total popu-
lation of 1,891,2% an increase of 86 over the year 1852—the yellow
fever epidemic had been costly. By 1861 the members of the com-
munity numbered 2,776, of whom there were 99 free negroes, 237
slaves toiling, and 11 slaves in jail.2°7 There were only 63 slave
owners—Carrollton was not the home of large planters. The popu-
lation increased little during the war. The census of 1869 shows a
population of 3,496.79

Carrollton was too close to New Orleans to gain importance as
a business center or to attract a large population. When it was
annexed in 1874 its population even then probably did not exceed
5000.

The composition of the population was fairly cosmopolitan.
The names in the census of 1861 shows a mixture of German,
French and American people.

Ferry

From the very beginning of the town of Carrollton there was
a ferry in operation between this town and the right bank of the
river. This, at first, was nothing but a skiff (or skiffs) trans-
porting the people and products of the right bank and Carrollton
across the river. The census of 1857 shows that a Mr. Louis Cor-
don operated the ferry.2 He was still engaged in this same pur-
suit in 18638, as the council sold to him, in February of that year,
the privilege of operating a ferry until October, 1863, for $190.7'°
Again on October 10, 1863, he bought the privilege, this time re-
ceiving a two year lease at the cost of $400.2"

Several attempts to operate a steam ferry boat in the early
years of the corporation were unsuccessful. With the perfection
of steam, however, we may assume that a ferry boat operated by
steam made its appearance.

+908 ber 24, 1853.
206 Jbid.. ary 2, 1856.
207 Census of Carrollton (1857- 1861). in Tulane University Library.
sco of Inet). in Tulane
neus of Oa ton, (1857-1861). in e Univ
132, Book ©, p. 118.

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276 | The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

CHAPTER VII—ANNEXATION

The rapid expansion of New Orleans made the annexation of
Carrollton to the larger city almost inevitable. When Senator Amos
S. Collin and Senator Barber introduced a bill in the state legisla-
ture for the annexation of Carrollton to New Orleans, in January,
1874, a howl of protest arose from the citizens of the younger city.
Petitions setting forth protests were circulated among the land-
holders for their signatures. Numerous objections were brought
up, but they were very weak, indeed. It was feared that public
improvements in Carrollton would come to an end; it would be
ruinous to the property holders; property would decrease in value;
assessments would increase; and the people would have to pay for
improvements which they would not receive. Perhaps the best
argument in the favor of a continuance of two separate govern-
ments was the one set forth in a petition to the members of the
legislature, dated February 14, 1874.232 It was pointed out that
a few men had bought up large blocks of Carrollton bonds at de-
preciated prices in the hope that annexation to New Orleans would
bring them up to par once more and they would reap the profits.

The opposition gradually died. The petitions were signed by
very few landowners. Those who owned land wanted to see the
value of their holdings increased. The 1873 assessment was $2,-
070,425.715 The city was indebted to New Orleans to a large
amount. The forty-five bonds of $100 each issued by the council to
the Jefferson City Gas Light Company in 18727!* were causing an
unusual bit of uneasiness among the citizens of Carrollton. The
Carrollton Sentinel which had been anti-annexationist at first, had
swapped sides by March 21, 1874. An Article of that date read:

Our Council has been doing a smashing business for the
past ten days. They have done so much work that our issues
is (sic) filled with nothing but council proceedings. We expect
shortly a general smash up, particularly, if His Excellency Gov.
Kellogg, should not sign the annexation bill. We are now
strongly in favor of annexation. :

The annexation bill passed through the state legislature and
was signed on March 23, 1874.75 Carrollton, with a population. of
about five thousand, became known as the Seventh District of New

212 Carrollton Sentinel, February 21, 1874.
218 Tbid., February 21, 1874.
214 Daily Picayune, March 13, 1916.
3 218 Acts. of the Louisiana Le Legislature. (1874). No. 71. pp. 119-122.

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The History of the City of Carrollton 277

Orleans.”4* The editor of the Daily Picayune gives a brief account
of the formal surrender of Carrollton to the mayor of New Orleans.
His opinion of the new appendage was not very favorable. He
wrote

Ex-Carrollton

The Mayor and Administrators were absent from the city
yesterday morning, to receive the capitulation and surrender
of the City of Carrollton. The whole city delegation rode up
in high glee to the Carrollton City Hall, where the archives
and property of the lately deceased were handed over to them.
Mr. Brice, ex-Mayor of Carrollton and now Judge of the Fifth
Municipal Court, officiated on behalf of the late City of Car-
rollton, and Mayor Wiltz and administrators Calhoun and
Scheider acting as a committee for New Orleans.

The marriage of the two cities was celebrated with jollity
and with toasts to the future success of the new combination.
After the celebration, and the performance of the necessary
business, the Mayor and Administrators road back to their
City Hall.

There is still some vagueness and uncertainty about the
prize that the city has gained. Its limits, if it has any limits
at all, are unknown, and the miles of streets that presented
their muddy and swampy faces to the consideration of the
city government can only be roughly estimated as somewhere
in the hundreds. The gift, indeed, consists principally in new
streets to pave, banquettes to lay, acres to fill up, and cone
a great deal more work to do.

Annexation proved to be very beneficial to Carrollton, as we
know today. Three months after the event took place, however, it
was very apparent that the little ex-city had gained by casting in
its lot with New Orleans. An article written in the Sentinel of July
8, 1874, read:

The Seventh District

It is an indisputable fact that the Seventh District, not-

withstanding the late depression of business, and the little care

which has heretofore been taken by our public bodies to adorn
4 her interests, has since annexation found some relief, and
which now shows quite a change in improvements. The popu-

lation is increasing, buildings and improvements are advancing.

Our streets have been considerably extended and otherwise

improved. Curbing and brick banquettes have been put down

216 The official census of 1890 showed that Carrollton had a population of 3,496.
217 Daily Picayune, March 27, 1874.

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278 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

where a few years ago there was nothing but mud and water.
Fire wells and other improvements have been constructed, and
in general we are not led to absolute despair by the threatened
aspects of the times.

... The streets and bridges of the Seventh District are in
a better condition than any town or city in the State. We have
brick banquettes through nearly all the — streets, and
most of the nuisances have been abated. .

Today Carrollton is one of the most beautiful sections of New
Orleans. From a struggling little suburban city it has developed
into an integral part of the “Queen of the South”.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARY SOURCES
A. Manuscripts:
Census Book of Carrollton, 1857 -1861. In Tulane University
Library.
Notarial Records.
Original Documents. In Tulane University Library.

Record Book C, Council Meetings, January 23, 1861, to May 4,
1870.

B. Laws and Public Documents:
Acts of the Louisiana Legislature, 1833, 1840, 1845, 1852, 1874.

American State Papers, Public Lands, Vol. II, edited by Walter
Lowrie, (Washington, 1834.)

Charter of the New Orleans and Carrollton Railroad Company,
together with the Amendments Thereto and Ordinances
of Municipal Authorities and By-Laws and Important
Contracts, Resolutions, ete. of the Company, (New Or-
leans, 1870.)

First Annual Report of the Board of Commissioners, Orleans
Levee District, (New Orleans, 1891.)

French, B. F., editor and translator, Historical Collections of
Louisiana, Parts I and III, (New York, 1846 and 1851.)

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The History of the City of Carrollton 279

Porter, C. C., compiler, Ordinances, Resolutions and Perman-
ent Orders of the City of Carrollton, Louisiana, from the
Date of Incorporation of the City to February 19th, 1862,
(New Orleans, 1862.)

Reports of Officers and Annual Statement of the New Orleans
and Carrollton Railroad Company for the Year Ending
December 31, 1889, (New Orleans, 1890.)

United States Statutes at Large, Vol. III, edited by Richard
Peters, Esq., (Boston, 1853.)

Newspapers:

Carrollton Star, March 29, 1831-March 22, 1854; January 5,
1855-April 26, 1856. (A few issues missing in 1833.)

Carrollton Sentinel, October 4, 1873-September 30, 1874.

Carrollton Times, October 28, 1863-October 31, 1868.

Daily Picayune, January 2-June 26, 1845; January 1-March 31,
1874; March 21, 1875; February 2, 1893.

Lafayette City Advertiser, April 15-November 18, 1843.
Morning Tribune, December 27, 1925.

New Orleans Item, January 1-13, 1924.

New Orleans Times, January 1-March 31, 1874.

Southern Traveller, November 12, 1848-November 16, 1844.
Telegraph, November- December 21, 1844.

Times-Picayune, March 18, 1916; July 18, 1926; January 25,
1937.

SECONDARY AUTHORITIES
Books:

Arthur, 8. C., and de Kernion, G. C., Old Families of New Or-
leans, (New Orleans, 1931-)
Biographical and Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, Vol. I,
(Chicago, 1892.)
Blain, H. M., A Coutury of Public Service in: New Or-
leans, (New Orleans, 1927.)

i
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4

q

7

2 aS

A.

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280 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Castellanos, H. C., New Orleans As It Was. (New Orleans,
1905.)

Deiler, John Hanno, The Settlement of the German Coast of
Louisiana and the Creoles of German Descent, (Phila-
delphia, 1909.)

Dennett, D. L., Louisiana As It Is, (New Orleans, 1876.)

Fortier, Alcée, A History of Louisiana, 4 vols., (New York and
Paris, 1904.)

Gardner, Charles, New Orleans and Adjacent — (New
Orleans, 1861.)

Gayarré, Charles, Histoire de la Louisiane, Premier Volume,
(New Orleans, 1846-47.)

Kendall, J. S., History of New Orleans, 3 vols., (Chicago and
New York, 1922.)

King, Grace, Creole Families of New Orleans, (New York,
1921.)

King, Grace, New Orleans, the Place and the People, (New
York and London, 1895.)

O’Conner, Thomas, History of the New Orleans Fire Depart-
ment, (New Orleans, 1895.)

Picayune Guide Book to New Orleans, 10th edition, (New Or-
leans, 1910.)

Rickey, Emma C., and Kean, Eveline P., The New Orleans
Book, (New Orleans, 1915.)

Riegel, Robert E., America Moves West, (New York, 1930.)

Times-Picayune Guide Book to New Orleans, 14th edition,
(New Orleans, 1924.)

: Waring, George E., Jr., and Cable, George W., The History and
| Present Condition of New Orleans, Louisiana, and Report
_ on the City of Austin, Texas, (Washington, 1881.)

Williams, William H., New Orleans As It Is, (Cleveland, 1885.)

B. Periodicals:

| 7 Cruzat, Heloise H., translator, “Bienville’s Land Titles”, in
Louisiana Historical Quarterly, I (1918).

4
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4

The History of the City of Carrollton 281

Cruzat, Heloise H., translator, “Documents Concerning Bien-
ville’s Lands in Louisiana’’, in Louisiana Historical Quart-
erly, X (1927) and XI (1928).

Gayarré, Charles, “A Louisiana Sugar Plantation of the Old |
Regime”, in Harper’s Magazine, LXXIV (1887 ).

Soniat, M. C., “The Faubourgs Forming the Upper Section of
the City of New Orleans’, in Louisiana Historical Quart-
erly, XX (1987).

Thompson, T. P., “Early Financing in New Orleans”, in Publi-
cations of the Louisiana Historical Society, VII (1913-14).

Waddill, Frank H., “The Scene of the Le Breton Murder”, in
Louisiana Historical Quarterly, VIII (1925).

Warner, Charles Dudley, ‘““New Orleans”, in Harper’s Maga-
zine, LX XIV (1887).

Williams, William H., “The History of Carrollton”, in Louisi-
ana State Register, (New Orleans, 1876.)

j
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KECORDS OF THE SUPERIOR COUNCIL OF LOUISIANA
| LXXIV.

January-May, 1752.
(Continued from October, 1937, Quarterly)

By the Editor of the Quarterly

List of Officials of Louisiana participating in the work of the
Superior Council of Louisiana contained in this installment:

De Vaudreuil, Pierre Rigaud
Cavagnol, Governor

Michel de la Rouvilliere, Honore,
Commissioner General of the
Marine, Intendant, and First
Councillor

D’Auberville, Vincent Guillaume
le Seneschal, Commissioner of

the Marine and Second Coun-
cillor

Fleuriau,
General

Raguet, Jean Baptiste, Dean of
the Councillors

Lafreniere, Nicolas Chauvin de,
Councillor

Francois, Procureur

Le Bretton, Louis Cesaire, Coun- —

cillor Assessor
De la Lande _ d’Apremont,
Charles, Councillor Assessor

Kernion, Jean Francois Huchet
de Councillor Assessor

Henry, Nicolas, Chief Clerk of
the Superior Council and

Notary

Membréde, Chevalier de, Town
Major of New Orleans

Lenormand, Marin, Sheriff

Chantalou, Augustin, Attorney
of Vacant Estates

Garic, Jean Baptiste, Attorney
and Notary

Darensbourg, Commandant at
Les Allemands

Chanfret, Claude Trenaunay de,
Judge and Subdelegate at
Pointe Coupée

Benoist, Charles, Clerk of Court
at Pointe Coupée

De Vezin, Pierre Olivier, Sur-
veyor of the King’s Highways
Hélo, Attorney and Notary

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Marginal Notes by Henry P. Dart
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Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana 283

January 12, 1752.

Petition by Jean Stephant called Rocan-
314 pp. court, a farmer of Pointe Coupée, to Sr.
Petition for Trenaunay de Chanfret, Subdelegate of
investigation. said Post, for investigation into the killing

of one of his oxen that was missing, and

whose hide was found under a heap of
leaves, still warm and the blood not having dried on it. George
Baron, Francois Manne and Louis Le Cler are suspected, and
Rocancourt petitions that they be cited before the Council for
inquiry, and if convicted that they be sentenced to indemnify
said Rocancourt for his loss, pay interest thereon, and bear
costs. Signed: Rocancourt.

January 12, 1752. Permit for inquiry at
the next session. Signed: Trenaunay Chan-
fret. Margins of document ragged.

Permit for inquiry.

91% pp.
January 17, 1752. Inquiry made before
Mr. Claude Trenaunay Chanfret, judge and
gsubdelegate at Pointe Coupée, on petition
Trenaunay Chanfret of Sieurs Francois Manne and George
at Pointe Coupée. Baron, accused by Jean Stephant called

Rocancourt of having killed one of his oxen,
to which inquiry they proceeded at once.

The following inhabitants were examined: Louis Le Cler, whose
son-in-law is a brother-in-law of Francois Manne, one of the ac-
cused, was called first. He testified that he has no knowledge
of the facts mentioned. He swore that he
Louie Le Glen.” had spoken the truth, and claiming com-
pensation was paid three livres. Signed:
Trenaunay Chanfret; Chs. Benoist, greffier; Le Cler.

Jean Fouderie testified that when the ox
Jean Fouderie. aforementioned was killed, he was return-
ing from the lower coast; that he slept at
one Chatellerau’s, and that when he reached home the next day ©
he found one Presse at his plantation, who told him he had been
called by George Baron to make a blanket coat. He went with
him at eight or nine A.M. to the home of Manne and Barron,
who were not there, having crossed the river, which obliged the
said Presse to go to the deponent’s house and then to Tereinte’s.
Fouderie said that he was unwell and would come back another
time. Later he went to the house of Manne and Baron, his
neighbors, where he saw no beef. He was paid six livres on de-
mand. Signed: Jean “fuderiry’; Trenaunay Chanfret; Chs.
Benoist, greffier.

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284 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

: Joseph Tereinte, aged thirty-eight years,

See Tetate. inhabitant of this post, testifies that he has

no knowledge of the facts mentioned, but

that he had seen Manne and Baron on the other side of the river

at the time the ox was said to have been killed. On this same

evening he went to their house and saw no fresh meat but that of

_ a heifer which they had shot. He said that he did not know how

to write nor sign, and claimed compensation. He was paid six
livres. Signed: Trenaunay Chanfret; Chs. Benoist.

. * Declaration of Marie Barbe, wife of
estimony

Marie Barbe, wife Tereinte, who was summoned on petition of
— Manne and George Baron. Having affirmed
that she was not a relative, a connexion, nor a servant of the
accused, she produced the order to appear, and testified that she
had seen the said Manne, George Baron and Louis Le Cler called
Belhumeur, coming from the other side of the river at the time
that the ox was said to have been killed, and having been to their
house she saw no fresh meat. She maintained the aforesaid
testimony, and declared that she did not know how to write nor
sign, wherefore inquiry following ordinance. Having claimed
compensation, she was paid four francs. Signed: Trenaunay
Chanfret; Chs. Benoist, greffier.

; On the same day Francois Demarets, in-

habitant of this post, aged twenty-seven

years, testified that he embarked in a piro-

gue, in which were George Baron, his wife, his father-in-law, and

a new-born child, whom they were bringing to church to be bap-

tized, and in the said pirogue there was no fresh meat but a piece

of veal; which he said was all he knew; and not knowing how

to write nor sign, he was questioned as per ordinance. Having

claimed pay, he was given six livres. Signed: Trenaunay Chan-
fret; Chs. Benoist, greffier.

January 26, 1752. Catherine Duerois,

Lew cam wn wife of Francois de Marets, aged about
twenty-three, after oath taken to speak the

truth, affirmed that she was not related, connected, not in service
of any of the parties; that she was summoned on the fourteenth
instant, produced the order, and said that she had not appeared
sooner owing to illness. She said that one Presse, a tailor, went
to George Baron’s house for work and did not find him. He
waited a short while and heard a shot on the river bank near
deponent’s house, and at the same time saw a flock of bustards
rise; they fired a second time at them, and deponent went to
Souderique’s Baron’s neighbor, and saw them return to their
home. Madam Manne, who was on the other side, called to her
husband to take her across. The witness went to Manne’s house

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Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana — 285

while Manne went ran his wife, and saw no fresh meat. The
next day Manne and his wife, George Baron and Belhumeur,
with the witness, went to Belhumeur’s and landed on the other
side of the river, to take the pirogue owned by Lafleur. She
persisted in her testimony, and declared that she could not write
nor sign, and was paid five livres. Signed: Trenaunay Chan-
fret; Chs. Benoist, greffier.

Document charred.

sa February 3, 1752. Petition of Francois
Sees one Manne and George Baron to Claude Tren-
aunay (Chanfret), Judge and subdelegate
at Pointe Coupée, against Rocancourt, who accused them falsely,
when they had always been considered honest. They found the
remains of what seemed to be a horned animal; two little negroes
they met said it was a horse and then a cow. They spoke to
Germain’s manager and then to Germain; they produced the
bones, which he kept as evidence. Petitioners think that it be-
hooves justice to investigate and order Rocancourt to produce
his defense. Signed: george Baron.

Permit to February 3, 1752. Permit to investigate.
investigate. Signed: Trenaunay Chanfret.
Petition to the Superior Council by Pierre
January 22. Voisin, merchant of New Orleans, against
9 Widow Cristina, for payment of 82 livres,
% PP. 14 sols, 6 deniers, for corn in grain, pay-
Petition of able on the 15th of last April. Petitioner
moreover claims interest and costs. Signed:

Lenormand, for petitioner.

January 22, 1752. Permit to cite.
Signed: Dauberville.

a January 30, 1752. Notice of citation

served on Widow Cristina, to appear before
the Council on the first Saturday of February, to hear ordered
what is just, by Sheriff Lenormand.

Inquiry before Claude Trenaunay Chanfrét,
January 24. Judge at

against Pierre Germain, accused of having
No. 1297. 57 pp. among his cattle an ox belonging to Allin

Permit to cite.

Inquiry i (Allain). First witness examined was
vs. Germain. Guillaume Le Moyne called Lenormand,
Guillaume Le Moyne. aged about fifty-three. He testified that,

being in the first journey made by Boyer
(butcher) to buy from one Germain and looking at the cattle in

his park, Sr. Allain recognized an ox counter-marked “S.G.”,

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286 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

' that belongs to him; he showed him to deponent and to several
others who were present. Said ox has a white mark on his head,
with the remainder of the body white and red, and small turned-
up horns; he was marked on the hip with a letter which he could
not name, as he does not know how to read. He claimed com-
pensation and was paid five livres. Signed: Trenaunay Chan-
fret; Chs. Benoist, greffier.

On the same date Antoine Dosa, in-

pce aay habitant of said post, aged forty-three

years, after oath taken to speak the truth,

testified that he was in Germain’s park when he sold cattle to

Boyer, and Allain recognized one of his oxen. He did not know .

how to write nor sign, wherefore inquiry following ordinance.

He was paid five livres. Signed: Trenaunay Chanfret; Chs.
Benoist, greffier.

On the same day Francois Cheval, resi-

same og Sl dent of said post, aged thirty-three years,

testified that he was in Germain’s park

when Allain recognized his ox, and after careful examination

found that he was counter-marked ‘“S.G.” over the letter “‘A’’.

He described the ox as having more red than white on his body,

with a white mark on the head; which, he said, was all he knew.

He declared that he could not write nor sign, and was paid four
francs. Signed: Trenaunay Chanfret; Chs. Benoist, greffier.

ea On the same date Jean Rabalay, a sailor,
Jean Rabalay. of about sixty years, inhabitant of this post,

| testified that he was in Germain’s park
when Boyer came to buy cattle. Allain was there and recognized
his ox; he showed him to several and had him examined by them;
of the number was the deponent, Louis and Antoine Bouchard
and La Vallée, who knew how to write and who declared that
the ox was branded with the letter “A” and belonged to Allain.
He said he did not know how to write nor sign, wherefore in-
quiry according to ordinance. He was paid six livres. Signed:
Trenaunay Chanfret; Chs. Benoist, greffier.

econ ee January 27, 1752. Antoine Patin, resi-
dent of this post, aged twenty-seven years,

: after oath taken to speak the truth, testi-
fied that he recognized a heifer in Germain’s park, that belonged
to deceased Pierre Mayeux; accompanied by Joseph Mayeux,
son of deceased, and by Joseph Prevost and Jean Decuir, they
saw an ox marked “A” and counter-marked “P.G.’’, and they
examined said ox carefully and found the letter “A” altered by
the counter-mark, and at the last visit made to the park where
Germain kept his cattle, the ox did not appear. The deponent
Saw said ox in the park last October, for the second time; which,

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Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana 287

he said, was all he knew. He persisted in his testimony, and
signed. He claimed compensation and was paid five livres.
pe Antoine Patin; Trenaunay Chanfret; Chs. Benoist,
greffier.

Margins of document ragged.
Petition to the Superior Council by Francois

January 27. Nolleau, Captain of the Ship “La Marquise
9 de Surgere’’, in the name of, and by virtue
%A PP. of the procuration of Jeanne Busquet,
Petition of widow of deceased Sieur de Boismory, with
5 whom she was in community of goods, for
idow pra ger payment of the sum of 4800 livres, for

merchandise furnished Mr. de Noyan, then
Lieutenant of the King, as proven by invoices hereto annexed,
dated May 15, 1747, which sum the said petitioner had asked of
Mr. de Chavoiz (Chavoye), as administrator of the goods of Sr.
de Noyan, which he refused to pay; wherefore, may it please the
Council to permit Sr. de Chavoye to be cited to appear, in his
qualification, to make said payment. Signed: Garic, for the
petitioner.

January 29, 1752. Permit to cite at the
next session. Signed: Dauberville.

a January 30, 1752. Notice served on Sr.
— de Chavoye, on petition of Sr. Francois
Nolleau, to appear before the Council on the first Saturday of
February, as tutor of de Noyan minors, speaking to him personal-
ly, leaving copy of the procuration, of the legislation, the peti-
tion and order, which has been certified. Signed: Lenormand.

Document badly stained.

Webruary 1 Exchange passed at Pointe Coupée between
3 me ae Sr. Pierre Ricard and Pierre Ducoté, before
Charles Benoist, Clerk of Court (Greffier),

and witnesses. Signed: Ricard; Pierre
Ducoté; J. Carriere; Franzine; Benoist, Notary.

Document water stained, pale and with ragged edges.
Session of the Superior Council of February

February 3. 8, 1752, where were present: Monsieur de
No. 1298. Vaudreuil, Governor; M. Michel, Commis-

sioner-Intendant, and First Judge; Mr.
Superior Council. Dauberville, Commissioner of the Marine

and Second Councillor; de Membrede,
Major; Raguet, Dean of the Council; Le Bretton, Delalande and
Kernion, Councillors Assessors; and de Lafreniere. Judgments
rendered in the following cases:

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1. Sr. de la Houssaye, in the name of

hee and as husband of Miss Victoire de Livil-

liers, plaintiff, vs. Sr. de Pontalba, as hus-

band of deceased Louise Etiennette de Malbec, widow of Sieur

de Livilliers, defendant: The Council has ordered Sr. de Pontalba

to pay the sum of what comes to them from the said deceased

Widow, their mother, after which he shall be validly discharged,
and to bear costs.

2. Sr. Nolleau, as Attorney of Jeanne

Jeanne a Busquet, plaintiff, vs. Sr. de Chavoye, as
tutor of the Noyan minors, defendant:

Council has heard the petition and the con-
clusions of the Procureur General, and orders Sr. de Chavoye to
pay — sum due, after which he shall be duly and validly dis-
charged.

| 8. Sr. Pierre Voisin, merchant of New

Pierre Voisin vs. Orleans, vs. Widow Cristina, for recovery

Witew Cristina. of debt: Council orders Widow Cristina
to pay sum claimed, and costs.

OG 4. Sr. Chantalou, plaintiff, vs. Sr.
ear liane Thibaudeau, defendant: Case heard and
the conclusions of the Procureur General,
Council has dismissed demand of plaintiff and ordered him to
pay costs.
i | 5. Sr. Morriset, as qualified, plaintiff,
vs. Daunoy. vs. Sr. Daunoy, in his qualification, de-
fendant: Council has nonsuited Morisset,
and ordered him to render account, and to bear costs.

6. Kernion and Voisin, plaintiffs, vs.

Kernion and Voisin _ Widow of Nicolas Cristina, defendant:

vs. Widow Cristina. Council orders Widow Cristina to pay
claim. ... (illegible). ...

7. Sr. Duruisseaux, plaintiff, vs. Marthe
Coussine, widow of deceased Tarascon, de-
fendant: Council has condemned the
Widow to pay two cords of wood. Recourse against detailed
account of succession. Costs pending.

8. Sr. Duruisseaux, plaintiff, vs. Jac-
ques Roman, Jr., defendant: Council orders
plaintiff to take back the pirogue, for pay-

ment for blankets. Costs pending.

9. Francois Jourdan, plaintiff, vs.
Trica, defendant: Council has rendered
judgment in default against the defendant,
and orders him to pay for the boat.

Duruisseaux vs.
Marthe Coussine.

Francois Jourdan
vs. Trica.

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10. Chateaulin, plaintiff, vs. Laurent
called St. Laurent, defendant: Council
orders defendant to pay the amount demanded, to the plaintiff,
and to bear costs.

Chateaulin vs. Laurent.

11. Sr. Forestier and Populus, petition-

a ee ers: On the conclusions of the Procureur
| General of the King, sale of movables al-
lowed, to the profit of the minors and the absent.

12. Sr. Joseph Deléry, de Lhommer and

Lhemmer Verbois, Verbois, petitioners: Conclusions of the
ig Procureur General heard, wherefore Coun-

cil approves sale of lots, with compliance with all prescribed
formalities.
tk ae of the effects of Daublin, by Mr. Darens-
splat pat bourg, Commandant at Les Allemands, and
the conclusions of the Procureur General of the King; wherefore
the Council has homologated the inventory, to be executed in its
form and tenor.
14. Jacques Lorrain, petitioner: The
a Council orders that he be paid in prefer-
ence for the sums he will “justify” before
M. Raguet, and the funeral costs only. Signed: Michel.

15. Marthe Coussine, petitioner to the
Marthe Coussine Council: The Council dismisses plaintiff
petitioner. by the present decree, rendered in conse-

quence.

eae 16. Brazillier called Tourangeau, peti-
tioner: The Council has reduced demands
to the sum of one hundred and fifty livres, for his trouble and
care.

Given at New Orleans, February 5, 1752. Signed: Michel.

Petition of Marthe Coussine, widow of Jac-

February 5. ques Laurens called Tarascon, against
2 pp. Louis Brazillier called Tourangeau, as
Petition of Widow Curator of the succession of deceased Tar-
Lenrene fer payment ascon: The petitioner having petitioned

the Court for payment of 1200 livres of her
dower, stipulated by her contract of marriage, to last during her
life; to the offer of hypothecating this sum on a house in this
City, there intervened a decree ordering that this sum be raised
by privilege on returns of sale of a plantation, on the River aux
Poissons, and she will be counted among the other creditors. She
calls the attention of the Court to the fact that the cattle, which
formed the better part, have been sold separately, and that the

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290 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

buildings on it have fallen into ruin; this naked soil is considered
as a fallow field, and though the representatives have had post-
ing placed in Mobile, to find purchasers, that there were no
offers even of a sol. As this debt is a privileged one, the peti-
tioner expects equity; wherefore may it please the Council to
order Sr. Tourangeau to deliver it to her, without putting her
with the other creditors, with note in hand, and she reiterates
the offer to hypothecate this sum on her house. The Council
has dismissed the petitioner, to the execution of the precedent.

Given in the Council Chamber, February fifth, one thousand
seven hundred and fifty-two.

Feb Session of the Superior Council, where were
ebruary 5. present: M. de Vaudreuil, Governor;
5 pp. Michel, Commissioner and Intendant; M.
Session of the Dauberville, Commissioner of the Marine;
se de Membrede, Major; Raguet, Dean of the
Council; Le Bretton, Delalande and Kernion, Councillors Asses-
sors. Judgments rendered in the following cases:

1. Chevalier de la Houssaye, as hus-

2 ae band of Victoire Petit de Livilliers, plain-

tiff, vs. Sr. de Pontalba, husband of Louise

de Malbec, widow of Charles Petit de Livilliers, defendant:
Judgment in favor of de la Houssaye.

2. Sr. Francois Noleau, Captain of the
procuration of Miss Jeanne Busquet, widow
sete: : in community of goods with Mr. de Bois-
mary, plaintiff, vs. Chevalier de Chavoye, as tutor of the de
Noyan minors, defendant: Council orders de Chavoye to pay
for the marchandise furnished May 15, 1747, as the Widow
claims, and to bear costs.

Gis a 3. Sr. Pierre Voisin, plaintiff, vs. Sr. de
tater. Chavoye, as tutor, defendant: Council

Rae a orders Sr. de Chavoye, in his capacity, to
pay debt Voisin claims. Costs on the Noyan succession.

pea es 4. Sr. Chantalou, plaintiff, vs. Sr.
ote ma Thibaudau, defendant: In default of pay-

ment by Sr. Michel, associate of Sr. Thibau-
dau, and on conclusions of the Procureur General, Council has
thrown out of Court the demand of plaintiff, to have recourse
against whom by rights. Costs on plaintiff.

5. Sr. Louis Morisset, husband of Fran-
eae ent coise Martin, widow of Sr. Hugot, Guardian
Daunoy; purchaser of of the King’s warehouses, under Mr. Le
Blane & Co., plaintiff, vs. Sr. Daunoy, as

purchaser of concessions, defendant: Sr.

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Morisset asked that accounts of Sr. Hugot, and Sr. Boucan, ad-
ministrator, be settled, which accounts must be in the hands of
Sieurs Daunoy and Assailly, purchasers; and likewise that salary
of Sr. Hugot, due in full, be paid to his wife and child, which
amounted to 1200 livres per year, amounting altogether to the
sum of 6945 livres, with deduction of 900, which they were paid
in France; that having demanded payment of M. Assailly, asso-
ciate of Mr. Daunoy, he answered that the vouchers had been
sent to France, which made Mr. Morisset cease his demands; and
as Mr. Daunoy came to an agreement with the proprietor of said
concession, in a journey just made to France and the Islands to
agree with his associate, Mr. Assailly, and having in mind the
interest of the heirs of deceased Sr. Hugot, that this affair be
arranged. Sr. Daunoy, as one of the pprchasers, was condemned
to pay 6945 livres, with deduction of 900 livres, received in
France, with costs. Sr. Hugot was engaged by Mr. Le Blanc and
his associates, February 2, 1726. Sr. Daunoy never employed
Sr. Hugot, who should have addressed himself to the persons to
whom belonged the concessions at the time; it even appears that
he took charge of the account, in his capacity as Guardian of
the Store; he wished to enter into no discussion, having no
knowledge of an affair of thirty years ago, which has never been
discharged. Council has thrown M. Morisset out of Court, owing
to prescription and in default of rendering account, and con-
demns him to bear costs.

6. Sr. Pierre Voisin, plaintiff, vs. the
widow of Sr. Nicolas Cristina, defendant:
Council has ordered defendant to pay
Voisin’s demand, and to bear costs.

7. Lorent Robert Belthremieux, acting

Voisin vs. Widow
Cristina.

under procuration of the Syndic of the
Creditors of Sr. Blavoust, the outfitter of .

“La Charmante Esther’, under Captain Varin, plaintiff, vs.
Berluchet, a Cooper of this Colony, defendant: Council con-
demns Sr. Berluchet to pay the sum of 418 livres, 19 sols, 9
deniers, as explained by a memorial since presented by said
plaintiff, as having since then settled the account together. First
decree rendered in defualt for non-appearance, the Council has
rendered judgment in second default against the defendant, and
‘condemns him to pay the said sum of 418 livres, 19 sols, 9 deniers,

and to costs.
8. Sr. Deruisseaux, plaintiff, vs. Marthe
Marthe Coussine. Coussine, Widow ‘Tarascon, defendant:
Council has condemned the Widow to pay
to Sr. Deruisseaux the two cords of wood, and to have recourse
for the balance against succession of deceased Sr. Tarascon, and
costs on succession.

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9. Sr. Deruisseaux, plaintiff, vs. Jac-
to. ques Lorains, Jr., defendant: Deruisseaux,
before leaving for Pensacola with his
father, left thirteen ox hides at 15 livres each, for which he can-
not be paid; he had given him a pirogue to repair, for which he
was to be paid 40 livres. Jacques Tarascon took possession of
the pirogue, under pretext that it is not inventoried with the
other effects of his father. Council orders the plaintiff to return
the pirogue, répairs thereon to be paid with consent of the
parties; as to the ox hides, Sr. Deruisseaux is nonsuited of his —
demand, to have recourse against defendant; and costs on suc-
cession of said deceased.

10. Francois Jourdan, plaintiff, vs. Sr.
Briere, defendant: Seen the decree in de-
fault obtained by Sr. Jourdan, of December 4th, against Mr.
Briere, and the petition and order of November 24th, for pay-
ment of the sum of 200 livres, as per note, Council has rendered
judgment against defendant, and orders that he be cited again.
Council has rendered judgment in default a second time against
defendant and condemned him to pay the sum of 200 livres,

ee 11. Sr. Sebastien Chandelloir called

‘ , ien andelloir ca
—e Chateaugué, plaintiff, vs. Laurent Lerable,
defendant: Considering the decree in default against the de-
fendant, Council has again rendered judgment in default against
defendant, ordered him to be cited again, and condemned him
to pay plaintiff the sum of 200 livres, and to bear costs.

12. Michel Forestier, as husband of
Perrine Langlois, Francois, Louis, Auguste

and Gerard Langlois, emancipated under
authority of said Forestier, Curator of said heirs in the succes-
sion of deceased Etienne Langlois and the late Catherine
Baudrot, their parents, and moreover acting under procuration
of Sr. Louis Populus, Ecuyer Sieur de St. Protest, officer, for the
rights of Marie Joachim Langlois, his wife, petitioner: The said
Curator petitions to be allowed to divide the movables of the
said succession and to permit that judicial sale be made of all
the negroes, which will make the division easier. Catherine
being absent, she has sent her procuration. The delay is causing
them prejudice from mortality and ill treatment of the slaves
by the persons to whom they are hired, wherefore sale at an
early date is required. The funds from the returns are to be
divided between eight co-heirs. Six favor the sale, returns to
be deposited in the hands of the Curator. The Council has
permitted the sale of the movables before M. Raguet, in the
presence of the Procureur General of the King, cash returns
to be remitted to the Curator and used for the benefit of the
minors. |

Jourdan vs. Briere.

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13. Sieurs Deléry, de Lhommer, acting
for his wife, Laurence Deléry, coheirs of
Deléry heirs. the succession of deceased Joseph Chauvin

Deléry, and de Verbois, as husband of
Marguerite Deléry, also an heir of said succession, under their
Curator, Sr. Nicholas Chauvin Deléry, petitioners: The Council
has decided that a house, situated in this City, is so dilapidated
that no repairs can be made, and therefore they have permitted
the sale at auction, to be divided. The Council has also allowed
the sale of the lot, after compliance with formalities prescribed.

a 14. Seen the inventory made of effects
inventory of Daublin of succession of Mr. Daublin by M. Darens-
bourg, Commandant at Les Allemands, the
conclusions of the Procureur General of the King, on which the
Council has homologated the inventory, to be executed in its

form and tenor.
15. Jacques Lorains, Jr., petitioner,

of showing that he had advanced his funds
for support and maintenance of deceased

Jacques Lorains, his father, during his
illness. Other sums he paid by order of the Superiors of Mobile,
in consequence of which he obtained a decree of December 4th,
which condemns Louis Brazillier, as Curator of the succession
of the elder Lorains, to pay him the sums, for which he will
furnish vouchers. He should be preferred to the other creditors,
and concludes that the decree of December 4th be executed.
Council rules: Let him be paid by preference to the other credit-
ors the sum of 732 livres, 10 sols; that of 127 livres, 10 sols, for
what he paid the Commandant of Pensacola (for the deceased), —
who gave him no receipt, but offers to affirm the payment. Sus-
cession to pay costs, and funeral expenses, to Lorains, Jr., on
presentation of vouchers.

16. Marthe Coussine, plaintiff, vs. Louis
Brazillier, defendant: Seen the petition
; showing that she demanded 1200 livres as
the dower stipulated in her contract of marriage, to enjoy the
revenue therefrom during her lifetime, Council orders that said
sum be raised on the returns on a plantation situated at “Riviere
aux Poissons”, and in default of this sum she would be classed
with the other creditors, in the proceeds of the sale of the cattle
on this plantation. No purchaser has presented himself. Besides,
this debt is a privileged one, and Sr. Tourangeot, in his capacity,
is ordered to pay her the sum of 1200 livres by hypothecation
of the said house, and Council has otherwise told her to claim
execution of the first decree in consequence.
17. Sr. Brazillier, petitioner: Who states

pone since he has been appointed Curator,
he has made about twenty-five journeys,

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294 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

and he prays to have a scrivener to help him in his memorial and
defense against the demands of Srs. Pictet and Caminada, Sr.
Malvezin, Piquery, Deruisseaux, and others; wherefore he prays
that it please the Council to fix a tax for the writing; to allow
sentence of arbitration between Pictet and Caminada. Council
has reduced demands of said Tourangeot to 150 piastres for
writing, his trouble and care.

Document stained, in parts illegible, and with ragged edges.

Bill to Mr. Carriere, Jr., amounting to... 49
117738. | livres, 16 sols. Note without heading nor
(No date). signature, acknowledging that the writer
owes Mr. Tisserant as much as to Noyan,
which he will pay; ten sols for bill of Greffier. “‘As I was yes-
terday on business, I have time to answer only shortly.” (No
signature. )

Petition to Superior Council by Messrs. de

February 5. Verbois and de Lhommer, acting as
1 p. husbands of the Misses Laurence and Mar-
Petition for guerite Chauvin Deléry, also Sr. Francois
Chauvin Deléry, under authority of Sr.

Nicolas Chauvin de Boisclair, his consanguineous brother and
Curator, to permit the sale of a house coming from the succession
of their father, as they have not the means to repair it; sale by
adjudication or from hand to hand, as may be more advantag-
eous. Signed: de Verbois; De Lhommer; Chauvin Boisclair;
Chauvin Deléry.

Document legible, but charred and torn.

Petition to the Superior Council by Sr. Thi-

February 5. baudau, stating that he is sensitive to
3 pp. appear in an affair that does not concern
ae him, though Sr. Chantalou attacks him as
setliade dee Gor which an associate of Sr. Michel, bondsman for
petonices* -pllaeeall Sr. Cantier, for a sum of 1549 livres in

favor of plaintiff (Chantalou). But as the

defendant (Thibaudau) is not responsible for the private affairs
of his partner, Sr. Michel, he thinks this proceeding unjust and
expects the Tribunal to discharge him. Sr. Chantalou made a
loan to Cantier and Sr. Michel goes bond for him; this does not
concern defendant. Besides, the Ordinance of 1673, Article 7,
Title 4, decides the contestation in favor of the plaintiff. He
explains it thus: “That all associates are solidarily obligated for
the debts of the Society, though but one signed; in the case in
which he signed for the Company, but not otherwise.”’ Michel
signed alone, and moreover in the body of the note it should have

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Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana 295

been specified that the sum borrowed was for the Society. More-
over, it is to be noted that in obligations of the partnership,
Michel did not sign his name, but “Thibaudau and Company.”
When Sr. Chantalou asserts that the defendant began payment,
it is on his own authority that he put on reverse the receipt of
100 livres. There is a long time that the defendant, bearer of
a note endorsed by Daniel, a resident of Pointe Coupée, begged
plaintiff to obtain payment of it, who sent it to Mr. de Pontalba
at Pointe Coupée, who had the note paid and sent the 100 livres to
Sr. Chantalou. Sr. Thibaudau, having other affairs of interest
on his part, did not ask for the hundred livres, thinking he would
settle all together, and Sr. Chantalou endorsed them after having
seen the refusal made by Sr. Thibaudau to pay the sum in question
at this date. There was no endorsement when he presented Michel’s
note. The defendant had promised plaintiff to satisfy him on his
representation that the note was signed for the Company. In this
case there would have been no discussion, though the Company has
made considerable losses, and that following their act of partner-
ship the defendant would have had to raise forty thousand livres,
which it has not, and there are no funds for Sieur Michel. Where-
fore, may it please the Court to dismiss Sr. Chantalou’s demand, to
have recourse against whom by right, and condemn him to
expense and costs of the case. Signed: Pier Thibeaudeaux.

Petition to Superior Council by Jacques Lor-

February 5. rains called Tarascon, that concerning the
pon Seca advances made lately for support and nour-
as ishment of his father during his illness, that

he paid on order of the Superiors of Mobile
and obtained a decree December 4th, which condemns Sr. Tou-
rangeau, as Curator of the succession of the elder Lorrains, to
pay him the sums for which he would produce the vouchers. He
presented the annexed vouchers and the decree, by act of Le-
normand, Sheriff, to which he paid no attention, pretending that
he will be called with the other creditors. As he is a privileged
creditor, he requests the Council to have the decree of December
4, 1751, executed, and that he be paid as privileged creditor
the sum of 732 livres, 10 sols, including the cost of the will, which
he paid to the Commandant of Pensacola, who did not give him
a receipt, but who will affirm it under oath; requests moreover
that costs be on succession. Signed: Tarascon.

Document stained, but perfectly legible.

February 14. To Mr. Rigaut:

Figures blurred and currency not stated.

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Febr Letter to Mr. Testar, merchant of La Rochelle,
ebruary 23. by Captain Nolleau, on the shop “La Mar-
2pp N.P. quise de Surgeres”’, written from New
Letter, Chantalou Orleans, signed Chantalou. Acknowledges

receipt of goods in good condition, of which
he has already sold a part, especially the guns. His correspon-
dent must have received funds remitted by Captain Pradel of
the ‘““Marquise de Conflans’’. If the Brittany is too high, do not
send the merchandise. Messages from their wives. Order to M.
Henry and others.

Petition to Superior Council by Sr. Lesassier,

February 23. as testamentary executor of succession of

deceased Sr. Gerbe. He shows that there
2 pp. is due to said succession the sum of 205
Lesassier, as executor livres in specie, for the expense made on
vs. Commun. the brigantine “‘L’heureuse Estrelle’’, fol-

lowing the note hereto annexed, on date of
June 13, 1750, signed by Cantier and accepted by Sr. Manclin,
from whom the petitioner had asked for the said sum by Sr.
Communy, as proprietor of the said brigantine, who refuses to
pay. This considered, and the said note being annexed hereto,
petitioner prays for citation of Sr. Communy at its next session,
to be compelled to pay said sum, with interest, expenses and
costs. Signed: Lesassier.

February 24, 1752. Citation issued by
Raguet.

February 24, 1752. Notice of citation
served on Sr. Communy, merchant of New
Orleans at his domicile by Sheriff Lenormand.

Citation.
Notice served.

Petition to Superior Council by Widow Pique-

February 26. | ry, stating that Sr. Boisclair owes a sum of
3 pp. 358 livres, 15 sols, to which payment he

was condemned by decree of February 27,
Petition of Widow 1748; and besides, Sr. Boisclair has dam-
aged her plantation by destroying her finest

cypress trees, which he has cut down up
to cabin of petitioner. Since last year he has cut fifty-two,
notwithstanding the overseer whom she has placed there; where-
fore she requests that Sr. Boisclair be cited at the next ‘session,
to be compelled to pay what he owes petitioner and to indem-
nify her for the damage done to her trees, interest, and costs.
Signed: Garic, for petitioner.

February 26, 1752. Order of citation,
signed : Raguet.

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February 28, 1752. Notice of citation
served on Sr. Boisclair at his domicile,
speaking to his servant, by Sheriff Lenormand.

Document badly stained, with torn margins.

Petition to Superior Council by Genevieve
February 26. Cheval, for citation of Jean Peret, her
2 pp father-in-law, Garic acting for petitioner,
; who resides at Pointe Coupée. He states
Petition of Genevieve that by her contract of marriage a dower
of 1000 livres was stipulated and a sum
of 100 crowns (value equal to 3000 livres)
for the preciput granted the survivor. Her deceased husband
left furniture and 200 piastres, of which his father took posses-
sion and would not have an inventory made. Wherefore request
is made that the elder Peret be cited, to be condemned to return
her dower and the 100 crowns of her preciput, with interest,
and to pay costs. Signed: Garic, for petitioner.

a February 26, 1752. Order to appear be-
eer ergy fore M. Raguet at the next session, and
notice served on Sr. Peret at Sr. Gauvin’s house, on petition of the
Widow, now wife of Francois oo by Sheriff Lenormand.

Document stained.

Notice served.

1% (No date). Answer made to Superior
Pp. Council by Hélo, acting for Jean Peret,
Petense of Foret, against claims of Genevieve Cheval, widow

of his son, Jean Pierre Peret. The Widow
asks that he pay her 1000 livres for her dower, 300 for her
preciput, on which defendant states that the plaintiff has no
right to the dower, of which she can have only the usufruct,
not having any issue from said marriage. The defendant does
not refuse to pay these two sums, but under condition that plain-
tiff will give sufficient bond for her dower, of which she has
but the usufruct, and the said sum legally returns to the defen-
dant. The defendant asks for a delay of three months for
payment of the 1300. Signed: Hélo, for Perette.

9 (No date). Statement of what the de-

Statement of effects possession of his father, including money,’
furniture, wearing apparel, a dark horse,
a walnut chest, and half of the crop made under the pretensions
of the elder Peret, which he has verbally acknowledged as his
son’s. Signed: Croizet.

February 27. Bill of lading of goods consigned to Chantalou
(stip). of New Orleans, by Testar of La Rochelle.

Signed: Dergny.

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Petition of Joseph Ricard, Captain of the

February 28. Schooner “La Marie Venant’” of Havana,
3 pp for citation of Srs. La Cou and Barelle, who

: since a month have delayed unloading their
Petition of Ricard merchandise from the Schooner, thus caus-
pe jo gam ing prejudice to his schooner by putting

off necessary repairs and by refusing the
maintenance of the crew, and his freight not having been paid;
wherefore he prays for citation of La Cou and Barelle, to be
compelled to pay petitioner the freight on the merchandise
transported to this Colony, and moreover his delay from the
em of his demand, and all expense of the suit. Signed: “‘Jph
RCarto.”

February 28, 1752. Permit to cite at

Permit to cite. the next session of the Council. Signed:
Dauberville.
ae February 29, 1752. Notice of citation

i served on Jean Cou and Jean Barelle at
their domicile in New Orleans, at the house of Sr. Chateau,
speaking to their pilot, by Lenormand. |

| Petition to the Superior Council by Olivier
February 29. de Vezin, Surveyor of the King’s Highways,
stating that Sr. Pascaid, merchant at La

5 pp. Rochelle, sent different bales of merchan-
Claim for indemnity dise by the Ship “Le Tourneur’”, under
tn Captain Pinquet, which on reception ap-

peared to have been damaged, notably the
one marked “No. 6”, whereon he presented petition to M. Michel
de la Rouvilliere, Commissioner General of the Marine, for
permit to have a proces verbal of the damage drawn up for
arbitration, which was done before M. Raguet, in the presence
of MM. Thibaudau and Braquier, merchants of New Orleans,
appointed by the parties and by Sr. Pinquet, the Captain of the
Ship, and Sieurs Pictet and Caminada, correspondents of the
ship chandlers. The bale was found to have been badly packed
and the damage partly due to the water thrown on it to put out
a fire, and consequently Sr. Lessassier was named as depositary
of said merchandise. As the petitioner noticed that the mer-
chandise was placed between two decks, and thereby more
exposed to the weather and perhaps to less care by the crew
and soldiers on board, the damage may have been occasioned by
the imprudence of Sr. Pinquet, wherefore petitioner prays for
citation of Captain Pinquet, Sr. Pictet and Caminada, corres-
pondents of the ship owners, to be condemned to pay for the
damaged merchandise contained in the said bale, which will
be appraised and estimated by arbitrators named to that effect.

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Moreover, the Captain should reimburse the freight already
paid, and expense, costs and interest. In consequence, let it be
ordered that Sr. Lesassier, depositary of the said merchandise,
will turn them over to Srs. Pinquet, Pictet and Caminada, to be
used as they will judge proper, and Lesassier shall be validly
discharged.

February 29, 1752. Permit to cite be-
fore the Council. Signed: Raguet.

February 29, 1752. Notice of citation
served on Srs. Pinquet, Pictet and Cami-
nada, on petition of Sr. Olivier, to appear before the Council
at its next session, by Lenormand.

Permit to cite.

Notice served.

Petition to Superior Council for arrest, im-
March 2. : prisonment and interrogation of a negro
- who stole from him some weeks ago, who

2 pp. the on a negro Sr.

Complaint of Pi e prays that witnesses be cited. e

aor plaintiff i is Pierre Pecheret, but the petition

negro thie? is signed by the Procureur Gen-

eral.

| March 2, 1752. Permit for investigation.
Signed: Michel.

. Document charred and falling to pieces.

March 2. Testimony of Pierre Quinet, of Mr. de Pon-

talba’s Company, in the presence of the
1p. undersigned witnesses, that in Sr. Ger-

main’s workshop where he ate meat which
wens on hed Germain said cost a great deal of money,
and he explained that his negroes were
rogues aad thieves, which he would prove in time and place
when needed. At Pointe Coupée. Signed: “‘taseinle moen.
Mark X of pierre Quinnet; joseph bonne fois; maren desunis,
witness; dauphine Lemoin.

Margin of document torn.
March 3 Petition to Superior Council by Augustin
vovnenaaee Chantalou, attorney of the heirs of succes-
21% pp. sion of deceased Pierre Ancelain, claiming

from Mr. de la Gautrais the sum of 4581
livres, which he refuses to pay, wherefore
he prays that he be cited, to be condemned
to pay that debt, and moreover to render account of a seaman’s
venture (pacotille) and the profits thereon, and to pay costs.

Signed: Chaptalou.

Petition for recovery
of debt.

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March 3, 1752. Permit to cite at next
session of the Council. Signed: Michel.

March 26, 1752. Notice of citation
| served on Mr. de la Gautrais, Marine
Officer, at his domicile in New Orleans, by Sheriff Lenormand.

Document water stained.

Petition to Superior Council by Joseph Villars
March 4. Dubreuil, officer of town militia, stating
23/, pp. that Sr. Claude Aignan Guerin La Boulaye
at his decease left two minor children, viz:
on Jean Baptiste and Jeanne Catherine La
Boulaye, whose mother, Jeanne Trudeau,
was appointed their tutrix, and had an inventory and description
of the goods of her deceased husband made. Later she married
Mr. de la Pommeraye, Treasurer of the Marine, before rendering
an account of her administration, and de la Pommeraye became
tutor of the children. The petitioner married Jeanne Catherine
La Boulaye, and since she is of age to enjoy her rights under his
administration, he prays that Mr. de la Pommeraye be cited, in
order to be ordered to render account of the goods left by de-
ceased La Boulaye. Signed: Villars.

Notice served.

March 4, 1752. Permit to cite, signed:
Michel.

Permit to cite.

March 17, 1752. Notices served on Sr.
Villars at his house in New Orleans, and
on Sr. de la Pommeraye on his plantation, a half league from
New Orleans, speaking to him personally, by Sheriff Lenormand.

Margins of document ragged.

Session of Superior Council of March 4, 1752,

March 4. where were present: M. Michel, General

634, pp. Commissioner of the Marine, and Ordonna-

: teur (Intendant) ; M. Dauberville, Commis-

sioner of the Marine and Second Councillor;

Raguet, Councillor; Le Bretton, de la

Lande, Kernion and La Freniere, Councillors Assessors. Judg-
ments rendered in the following cases:

| 1. Genevieve Cheval, widow of Jean
Pierre Perret, now wife of Francois Croiset,

plaintiff, vs. Jean Pierre Perret, her father-
in-law, defendant: The Council has granted 300 livres of preciput,
as stipulated in her marriage contract, and orders Jean Perret
- to pay her likewise the 1000 livres of her dowry, for shich sum
erg furnish bond within three months. Costs on the de-
endant.

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ms 2. Joseph Rivart, Captain of the

Schooner named “La Marie’, from Havana,

plaintiff, vs. Jean Barrel, defendant: Coun-

cil orders that notice of demands of plaintiff be served on de-

fendant, to answer thereon before M. Raguet, and two other
arbitrators to pass on his report. Costs pending.

3. Sr. Chantalou, charged with succes-

sion of deceased Alcelin, plaintiff, vs.

Officer de la Gautrais, defendant: Council

has sent parties before MM. Nouguez and Lesassier, arbitrators

appointed, and Mr. St. Martin for chief arbitrator, to order what
shall appertain. Costs pending.

4. Sr. Lesassier, as testamentary exe-

ee ee cutor of deceased Sr. André Gerbe, plain-
Communy and Monclin. tiff, vs. Sr. Communy, as proprietor of the

Brigantine “L’heureuse Etoile’, defendant:
Sr. Communy is ordered to pay the sum of 205 livres, and interest
and costs. The plaintiff is ordered to process against Sr. Monclin
on his note. Costs pending.

5. Antoine Chauffe, plaintiff, vs. An-

jadieea toine Lafleur, defendant: The Council has

rendered judgment in default against

plaintiff, and in consequence orders him to render account of

the three communities, before M. Raguet, the whole to be
reported and ordered what is just. Costs pending.

6. Widow Piquery, plaintiff, vs. Nicolas
Nicolae Chauvin Chauvin Boisclair, defendant: Council has
rendered judgment in default against de-
fendant for non-appearance, and orders
that he be cited again. Costs pending.

7. Sr. Olivier de Vezin, plaintiff, vs.
Joseph Pinguet, Captain of the ship “Le
Caminada. Tourneur’’, with Srs. Pietet and Caminada,
_ acting for the outfitter, defendants: The
exterior of the ship was damaged as much by salt water as river
water, as appears by proces verbal; they wished to abandon her
to Srs. Pinguet and Caminada, who refused to accept her, as the
bale was badly packed, and the damage might also have been
caused by the quantity of water which was thrown to put out the
fire. The Council orders Mr. Lesassier to remit said bale to Srs.
Pinguet, Pietet and Caminada, and condemns them to reimburse
it at the price of the merchants, this reimbursement to be made
solidarily, to have recourse against whom they will judge proper,
and to pay all costs.

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8. Sr. Chantalou, as curator of succes-

ee sion of Sr. Paul Rasteau, and as attorney
vs. de Chavoye, tutor for the heirs of Pierre Ancelain, plaintiff,
of de Noyan minors

vs. M. de Chavoye, acting as tutor of the de
Noyan minors, defendant: The Council has
allowed the plaintiff to execute the decree until concurrence of
what is due, without touching the immovables or the slaves em-
ployed in the cultivation of the plantation, and to bear costs.

9. Heirs of deceased Antoine Lauve,

). widower of (illegible) Journand (illegi-
ble), the parents, plaintiffs, vs. Gaspard
Belaumiau (later written ‘““Belomé’’), in the name of the account-
ant of the said succession, defendant: The Council has allowed
the four chapters of expense to the first community, the lot and
house carried in the second community; wherefore the expense
absorbing the receipt, the accountant shall be discharged, house
and lot to be sold for the profit of the said community, and the
returns thereon to be divided between the accountant and the
children of the first marriage. The sums coming to Jacques and
Nicolas Lauve will be turned over to solvent persons, as they
are minors, to pay them a revenue until they attain their majority.

March 4.

ve.
Belaumiau (

Petition. to the Superior Council by Rene

2 pp. Chouteau, for citation of Sr. Hynand, for
Chouteau vs. Hynand (or recovery of money due on merchandise
Hinand), for recovery. furnish ed.

April 29, 1752. On petition of Rene
Notice served. Chouteau, a tavern keeper of New Orleans,

notice to appear before Council served on
Sr. Hinand, at his domicile in New Orleans, speaking to his
negro servant, by Sheriff Lenormand.

Session of the Superior Council, signed at top

March 4. and bottom of each page: Michel. Were
No. 1301. present: M. Michel, Commissioner General
41 of the Marine, Ordonnateur (Intendant),

/2 PP. and First Judge; Dauberville, Commission-
Session of the er of the Marine and Second Councillor;

Raguet, Dean of the Councillors; Dela-
lande, Kernion and Lafreniere, Councillors Assessors; and Le
Bretton. Judgments rendered in the following cases:

1. Genevieve Cheval, in which name

a she proceeds, plaintiff, vs. Jean Perret,

| defendant: Council has granted the 300

livres, as well as the 1000 livres, on condition of good and suffi-
cient bond within three months. Costs on defendant.

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: 2. Joseph Ricard, plaintiff, vs. Jean
Lacour called Barette, defendant: Defense

before M. Raguet, whom the Council has
appointed as Commissioner in this case, to be ordered what is
just. Costs pending.

3. Sr. Chantalou, acting for the heirs
Ancelain are, ws. of deceased Pierre Ancelain, plaintiff, vs.
snGawteats. Sr. de la Gautray (Gautrais), defendant:

Council has sent the parties before MM. Nouguez and Lesassier
as arbitrators, and over them Mr. St. Martin. Costs pending.

4. Sr. Lesassier, as executor of deceased

Gerbe’s will, plaintiff, vs. Sr. Communy,
Communy. as owner of the brigantine called “L’heu-

reuse Etoile’, defendant: The Council has
ordered him to sue Sr. Monclin for the notes in question. Costs

pending.
5. Antoine Chauve, plaintiff, vs. An-
eee toine Lafleur, defendant: The Council has
rendered judgment against the defendant
to count the three communities concerned, the whole to be re-
ported and thereon ordered what is just. Costs pending.

6. Widow Piquery, plaintiff, vs. Nicolas
Chauvin Boisclair, defendant: The Council
Chauvin has rendered judgment in default against

defendant, and ordered that he be cited
again. Costs pending.

7. Sr. Olivier de Vezin, plaintiff, vs. Sr.

Pinguet, Captain of the ship “Le Tour-

and Caminada. neur’, Sr. Pietet and Caminada, defend-

ants: The Council has ordered Sr. Lesassier

to turn over the bale to Srs. Pinguet and Caminada, who will

reimburse its value as well as the freight paid to the Captain.
Costs on defendants.

8. Sr. Chantalou, acting for succession

Chantalou, for Paul of deceased Paul Rasteau, and as attorney

Rasteau euccession of Pierre Manclin, plaintiff, vs. Sr. de
Chavoye, as tutor of Chavoye, as tutor of the de Noyan minors,
de Noyan minors.

defendant: The Council allows the plain-
tiff, in his capacity, to have the furnitire of
the succession seized until the amount of the debt is reached, but
not to touch the immovables nor the negroes employed in cul-
tivating the plantation. Costs on defendant.

; 9. Heirs of Lauve, plaintiffs, vs. Gas-
er pard Bellomé, accountant, defendant: Seen
the account, written defenses, debates, and

the conclusions of the Procureur General, and the report of M.

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Raguet heard, en the Council has refused the sum in the
settled account, and orders the said house to be judicially sold
for the profit ‘of the first community, and the said Gaspard
Bellomé to be the depositary of the sum of 2283 livres, 15 sols,
which shall be divided between the children of the first mar-
riage, and the house sold according to the conclusions of the
Procureur General. Signed: Michel.

Document badly stained and perforated.

Homologation of the opinion of the friends

March 10. of the minor heirs of deceased Joseph
234, pp. Valentin Daublin, at a family meeting
convened before Councillor Raguet, to
election of tutor and choose a tutor and under tutor to said
—— ee children. Daublin left a widow and five

children; Francois, Valentin, Noel, Marie

Anne and Antoine Daublin ; they also elect-
ed a curator for the children of his first marriage to deceased
Marguerite Decuir. The homologation is signed by Chantalou
and the greffier.

Letter addressed to M. Chantalou of New

March 18. Orleans, by Testar of La Rochelle, who
1p. sends two cases of arms, sent by order of

Monsieur Ridday Passeron, marked “No.
og we 5. le tte. C.C.T.” They were charged by

Mr. Rateaux (Rasteau), who received the
order to deliver them to me by Madam Bégon. Permit to embark
on the “Rhinoceros”... (illegible) ... ; asks him to be present
at the opening of the boxes to be certain that they escaped any
rust stains during the crossing. Signed: Testar.

May 13, 1752. (Annexed to above letter

4 pp. with a seal). Another letter from La Ro-
Another letter, | chelle by Testar, to Chantalou, Attorney of
the Vacant Estates, in New Orleans. Refers to

preceding letters; sends by the “Dordon-
nois’” of Rochefort, sends the two mirrors, with which there was
difficulty. on account of their being fragile; hopes they will
reach him in good condition; is working to fill memorial sent
him; accounts for deer skins he sold, they were damaged. Let-
ters of exchange would be more advantageous; parchments
would bring better returns; gives information how to send funds.
Will be charmed to have news of him and to hear that he is
satisfied. Signed: Testar.

(Postscript) :—“Your brother-in-law left for Paris last
Sunday. I paid him 150 livres, without anxiety, for he is a wise
boy, with recommendations from the merchant for whom he
works; but it is not there that he will find abundance, for affairs

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are dull and there is trouble caused by religious matters .. .
Will pay his return passage if it cannot be had gratis... Blamed
his long stay at La Rochelle, but he strengthened himself where
I had placed him in the store (shop).”

Letter from Testar, dated La Rochelle, to

March 18. Chantalou of New Orleans. Sent a cargo
6 pp. on “Le Tourneur’’, addressed to care of Mr.

Daben; could not for want of an occasion
+ sam” oe send you any merchandise. Wishes to em-

ploy Madam Bégon, and wished her to
solicit costs for two cases of arms, which she obtained with dif-
ficulty (illegible). She gave Rasteau the order to have them
taken at Testar’s and to embark them with effects sent to the
Governor. Says he was not able to send anything on the said
ship but a small box in the care of Mr. Le Large, in the name
of Mr. Charmeteaux. It is marked “‘C T No. 4’’, in oil cloth. Two
others addressed to him (illegible) by Mr. Rateaux (Rasteau),
marks (illegible). Invoice separate for the small case and the
two large ones, amounting to the sum of 2795 (livres), which
I will have insured, for this ship is constructed in such a manner
as to excite our fears. We will have no other occasion until
July. Deer skins were sold to us this year at 53 livres. Indigo
is excellent and is worth that of Mexico. The small ship called
the ‘“‘Ajax’”’ leaves this port immediately. Sends mirrors by Mr.
Michel, who promises to take them.

Letter to Chantalou of New Orleans from

March 18. Testar of La Rochelle. Speaks of his ship-
12 pp. ments and what has reached him. Induced

, Madam Bégon to solicit the Intendant of
Rochefort for two cases of arms; gives

marks and wrapping. Was not able to put
on the “‘Ajax’”’ even a bale of Brittany linen. Speaks again of
his mirrors. As he could not put all the merchandise in the
case, he remitted to Captain Bertrand, his friend, a package in
oil cloth . . (illegible), with its superb lining in it (illegible).
At next occasion will send two beavers with side edging; another
time send on the measures. A package he could not put in box
is addressed to Mr. Courtableau ; claim it in his name. He is
not to count on receiving his mirrors from Mr. Michel, as his
destination has been changed; his destination is Martinique. At
this time commerce does not justify sending merchandise from
La Rochelle, without paying the tax of trade, which is consid-
erable. He depends on the ship of Mr. Predaux, freighted by
the King, leaving in July or August; he has spoken to the ship
outfitter, who has promised to take freight for him; he will
send two boxes of arms. The merchant of Lyons reports an
increase of ten sols per pair of stockings, on account of the
scarcity of silk, and two months previous there was another in-

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306 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

crease, wherefore this article will be insured and sent on the
‘“‘Ajax’’.. He was informed that there would be no more ships
destined for the Colony but those freighted by the King, which
rumor he will investigate. (At end of letter): April 12, 1752.

Memorial presented by Francois March
March 21. George Baron, to serve as defense before

41% pp M. Trenaunay de Chanfret, subdelegate

: and Judge at Pointe Coupée, concerning
Defense by George the killing of Rocancourt’s cows. Signed:
george Baron; (illegible) “aussy for my

father-in-law”; Le Cler.

Appearance in Registry of the Superior Coun-

March 26. cil, of Pierre Pecheret called Olivie, who
114 pp. declared that his wife, seeing a negro pass

‘ with a handkerchief of Cholet linen on his
ie head, recognized it as one stolen from her

five weeks ago; she stopped him, took it,
and asked from whom he held it. He said that he had it from
a negro who found it in the street. He contradicted himself,
and the guard was called, who led him to prison; whereon
Pecheret made this declaration, to serve as need may be. He
declared that he could not write nor sign, wherefore inquiry
as per ordinance. (No signature).

March 27, 1752. Interrogation of the

35/4, PP.. ~ negro Thomas by M. Raguet, in the prisons
Interrogation of of this City, on petition of the Procureur
Thomas, a negro. General. Signed: Raguet. |

Document stained, and lower left corner torn through the
four pages.

Invoice of two cases of merchandise consigned

March 28. to Chantalou, in the King’s ship the “Rhin-
1% pp. oceros”, by Sr. Rasteau of La Rochelle,
bles who received them from Testar, of the
insaieiion. same city. Invoice covers hunting guns,

handkerchiefs, scarlet cloth, trimmings,
gold buttons, silk cords, a spoon mould, flags for M. Petinon, etc.,
etc. Signed: Testar.

Document in bad condition.
Petition by Benoist de St. Clair, Knight of

March 30. the Royal Order of St. Louis, and Captain
31% pp. | of troops in this Colony, stating that after

the decease of Madam Gervais, she was
Benoist de St. Clair indebted to him for 3768 livres, 6 sols,
according to accounts. He was then
Madam Gervais. Commandant at Illinois, and sent his pro-

curation to Sieur Bienvenu and presented

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petition for permit to cite Sr. Langlois, as tutor of the minor
children of the deceased Madam Gervais, for recovery of the
debt, interest and costs. Sr. Lesassier was also cited to make a
report of account of petitioner in 1749. As Sr. Bienvenu did not
stay long in this Colony, he cannot continue the suit and cannot
even have the decree executed, as Sr. Prevost resides on his
plantation, which he leaves rarely to see to his affairs. Besides,
Sr. Langlois died, and the Langlois minors obtained letters of
benefit of age, under a curator, who took charge of all the funds
of this succession; wherefore he requests that Sr. Fortier* be
cited, in his capacity, to be compelled to pay the said sum, af-
firmed to be correct, if the Court does not order the decree of
July 5, 1749, to be executed, and in consequence that the vouch-
ers be remitted to Srs. Lesassier and Nouguez. As Sr. Prevost is
not permanently in the City, they will be free to take Sr. Olivier
de Vezin as arbitrator, as Syndic of the said succession, after
the sentence is rendered, to order what is just. Signed: Benoist
de St. Clair.
7 May 29, 1752. Permit to cite at the next
— session of the Council. Signed: Dauberville.

May 29, 1752. Notice served on Sr.
Forestier* at his domicile in New Orleans,
speaking to him personally, to appear before Council on the first
Monday of June, at eight o’clock, A.M., to answer on Sr. Benoist’s
petition and hear ordered what is just. Signed: Lenormand.

*(Note: “Fortier” and “Forestier” alternately in the same
document.)

Notice served.

Letter to Mr. Clement Roudes of Martinique,

April 4. by P. Monereau, his brother-in-law. He
114 pp. remits bill of lading and invoice; sends

i hams, casks of wine, etc. This is sent in
a. company with Mr. Caussade; he also sends

a load on the same ship for Mr. Thibault,
to whom he will write shortly. Had himself insured for 4400
livres on 1014 barrels of sugar, and 3 casks of coffee, and he is
worried about the ship, the “Amiable Jane”. They give her 64
days for crossing.

Petition to Superior Council by Pierre Gues-
non, gunner of the King in New Orleans,
claiming that Ancelain, who is now in
France, owes him 57 livres, 10 sols, on the
note hereto annexed, which said Ancelain
is the heir of deceased Pierre Ancelain,

whose succession is in charge of Sr. Chantalou; wherefore he

prays that said Ancelain be cited, to be compelled to pay him
said note. Signed: guesnon. |

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saa April 5, 1752. Permit to cite, signed:
Dauberville.

April 6, 1752. Notice served on Sr.
Chantalou, Attorney of Vacant Estates, to
answer to said petition. Copy of note hereto annexed. Signed:
Lenormand.

Notice served.

Letter addressed to Mr. Roudes at Fort

April 5. Pierre, Martinique, by his brother, sending
2 pp. bill of lading and invoice for twelve barrels

of salted meat, on the ship “Le Soleil’. He
eer hanna prays for sale of same. Inclosed bill of

lading dated April 1, 1752.

Trial of Servinien for Suicide: The Procureur

April 5. General of the King, accuser against the
1 p. memory of Servinien, accused of having
in killed himself with a gun. M. Raguet, Com-
of the King vs. missioner on this case, prays that Servinien

ee called La Rochelle, soldier of this garrison
be discharged, as the witnesses testified to his unbalanced mind.
Signed: Raguet. 3
: April 7, 1752. On information given by

11 pp. Sr. Francois Simars, Fleuriau, the Procur-
Procureur General eur General, went to the Barracks, on the
opener. side of the Intendancy, accompanied by the

Greffier, to view the corpse, and found that he had put his gun
between his legs and put his foot on the hammer. Signed:
Fleuriau; Henry, Greff.

No. 1308. 6 April 18, 1752. Inquiry made by Jean
0. - 0 pp. Baptiste Raguet, Councillor of the King,
into the death of André Servinien, accused
of having killed himself with his gun: The Commissioner in-
quired into the life and morals of the dead soldier, the following
witnesses testifying: Joseph Odoy, Rabigou, Pierre Ficher,
André Desjardins.

April 19, 1752. Proces Verbal of the
No. 1304. abduction of the corpse of Servinien called
a La Rochelle: Before us, Jean Baptiste
Raguet, appeared the Procureur General of the King, informing
us that the corpse of André Servinien, which had been deposited |
in a cabin on the grounds of the Hospital of the King, was
abducted, no doubt during the last night. Signed: Fleuriau:
Raguet; Henry, Greff.

Document torn and ragged.

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April 19, 1752. Nomination of a Curator

No. 1305. 1 pp. to the memory of André Servinien called
Appointment of a La Rochelle. Seen by us, Commissioner in
trial this case, the complaint brought by the

Procureur General of the King, and as the
said Servinien had no relatives in this Colony, we have named
Pierre Cecille as Curator to his memory. Signed: Raguet.

3 pp. | April 20, 1752. Re-Examination of wit-
Re-examination nesses against Servinien. Those con-
irate fronted were: Joseph Odoy, Jean Louis

_ Rabidou, Pierre Fischer, and André Desjardins. Signed: Raguet;
Henry, Greff.

No. 1807. 31% pp. April 20, 1752. Interrogation of the
eo Curator of Servinien.

April 21, 1752. Confrontation of wit-
0. /4, PP- nesses against Servinien called La Rochelle,
Confrontation of the troops of Riché, accused of having
himself.

May 6, 1752. Interrogation of Pierre
No. 1311. 134 pp. © Cecille, Curator to the memory of André
Servihnien. Signed: Vaudreuil; Michel;

ition Dauberville; Delalande; Huchet de Kern-
ion; Le Bretton.

May 6, 1752. Judgment of absolution of

No. 1312. 2 pp. the memory of Andre Servinien called La

Judgment absolving the Rochelle, accused of suicide; and Pierre

Cecille, resident, named Curator of his

memory, accused: Seen the proces verbal made on the spot
where he killed himself, by the Procureur General, acompanied
by the Greffier, on date of April 7, 1752; petition presented by
the Procureur General and order for inquiry, before Jean
Baptiste Raguet; and appointment of a Curator to the corpse;
likewise Inquiry, Re-examination, Interrogation and Confronta-
tion on date of April 18th. The inquiry of four witnesses heard;
the appointment of Pierre Cecille, planter; interrogation of
Pierre Cecille, on date of the 21st of April; re-examination of
witnesses, confrontation of witnesses with Cecille, Curator, on
April 21st. The proces verbal of abduction of the corpse on
April 19th; and the conclusions of the Procureur General, the
whole seen and considered, the Council from all this has the
proof that André Servinien, of the Company of Benoist, was out
of his mind, and “attacked with furies”’, and discharged his
memory. Given in the Council Chamber, on the sixth of May,
one thousand seven hundred and fifty-two. |

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310 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Signed: Vaudreuil; Michel; D’Auberville; Delalande;
Huchet de Kernion; Raguet; Le Bretton.

-_ (Note: Full translation of this case may be found in the
- Quarterly, Vol. IV (1921), pp. 290-323.)

Petition to the Superior Council by Chantalou,

April 11. holding procuration of Marguerite Bouat,
2 pp. widow of Sr. Antoine Pascaud, merchant
’ Petition of Widow of La Rochelle, hereto annexed, dated
August 28, 1750, and duly legalized,

stating that Mr. de Noyan owed Madam
Pascaud a sum of 2254 livres, 7 sols, 6 deniers, following the
acknowledgment of Mr. de Noyan, copy of which is subjoined,
which sum she claimed from M. de Chavoye, tutor of the de
Noyan minors. Not being allowed to pay said sum without being
authorized, she petitions for permit to have him cited before the
Council, for payment of said sum, interest and costs. Signed:
Chantalou.

April 11, 1752. Permit to cite at the

Bore next session. Signed: D’Auberville.
April 11, 1752. Notice of citation served
a on Sr. de Chavoye at his domicile by

Sheriff Lenormand.
Document has ragged margins, and script is pale on second
page.
April 6, 1742. Acknowledgment of debt
Ye Pp. of 2254 livres, 7 sols, due to Madam Pas-
caud for value received. Signed: Noyant.

To pay on order of Mr. de Vaudreuil value received and bill,
August 28, 1751. Signed Veuve Pascaud.

2 pp April 30, 1751. Power of Attorney
granted by Marguerite Bouat, widow of
Chantalou by Antoine Pascaud, resident of La Rochelle,
— to Augustin Chantalou of New Orleans, to
collect all that is due her and give receipts for payments, etc.
Signed: Mgte Bouat veuve Pascaud; Delavergne; Fleury.

Collated at La Rochelle on this August 30, 1751. Received
twelve sols. Signed: Puholl.

Certification of signatures by Gabriel Beraudin, August
30, 1751. Signed: Beraudin.

April 12. Contract passed before Notary Royal of the
3 : Province of Louisiana, residing in New
Ye pp. Orleans, between Pierre Louis Batard,
Contract for loan, Captain of the ship “The Elizabeth’’, of

promise to pay. Martinique, now in the harbor of this City,

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and Jean Pierre Malvezin, both managers of the cargo on the
said ship, who, in want of funds to pay the caulking of said ship,
provisions and other expenses to put the ship in condition to re-
turn to Martinique, have acknowledged and confessed to have
received in cash from Sr. Simond Armand the sum of 7250 livres,
of current value in France, said Sieurs Batard and Malvezin
promising and obligating themselves solidarily, both for one
another, one for the whole, without any division or discussion,
nor surety, to pay to Sr. Armand on June 8th, after their arrival
at the first port of Martinique, where they hypothecate all their
movables, especially the said ship, etc., in default of which pay-
ment the whole shall be sold, until they reach the said sum,
with 50% over, according to valuation in Martinique, which will
amount to 10,875 livres, electing their domicile at Srs. Armand
Bros., merchants at St. Pierre of Martinique, or at that of Sr.
Malvezin, merchant of said place, promising, obligating solidari-
ly, renouncing, etc. Notatial copy signed: Henry (paraph),

Notary.
om. December 6, 1751. Certified by Honore
: Michel De la Rouvilliere, Councillor of the
King, Commissioner General of the Marine, Ordonnateur in the
Province of Louisiana, and by M. Henry, who signed the contract
of obligation, who is Notary Royal in the Colony. Given under
the seal of our arms and the counter seal of our secretary. (Seal
is still well preserved). Signed: Michel; by Monseigneur
Roussillon.
maces February 24, 1752. Receipt for payment
of 10,875 livres, paid by Srs. Batard and
Malvezin, solidarily, on this twelfth day of April, one thousand
seven hundred and fifty-two, which was certified. Signed:

Knee April 12, 1752. N d and
diatiach pril 12, otice served and copy
left by Richard, April 12, 1752.
April 11. Petition to Superior Council by Dauberville
33/4, pp. for payment of three thousand livres, in
piastres of five livres each, following the
ee ee obligation of Sr. Pierre Boucher de Mon-

brun, of June 15, 1748; plus 200 livres on a note of August 9,
1749, of Sr. de la Soudray, who has funds from the succession
of his deceased wife, which are in hands of Sr. Forestier,
Curator of the succession of Etienne Langlois and of that of the
late Dame Gervais; wherefore he prays to seize provisionally,
in the hands of Sr. Forestier, the sums coming to Sr. de la
Soudraye, interest and costs. Signed: Dauberville. |

April 11, 1752. Permit to seize provi-
Perunit to ectne, sionally to the sums due, to be then ordered
what shall appertain.

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: April 12, 1752. Notice of seizure served
pi ese matte on Sr. Langlois, as Curator of the Langlois
and Gervais successions, forbidding him to leave sums out of his
possession until so ordered by justice. Signed: Lenormand.

Letter to Chantalou of New Orleans, by

April 12. Charmeteau of Rochefort: Remembrances

from Mr. Testar; and in concert with his

oe, See father has forwarded a case of oil cloth and
ropes.

: Petition to Superior Council by Guillaume de
April 15. la Pommeraye, to grant him a delay of one
114 pp. month to render account of deceased La
Petition by | Boulaye’s succession. Signed: Locquet de
La Pommerais.

Petition to Superior Council by Guillaume de
(No date.) la Pommeraye, praying that Mr. Villars’
134, pp. opposition to the sale of his plantation be
Petition by | stayed, giving reasons why the Council
de la Pommeraye.

should grant his request. Signed: De La
Pommerais. (Year 1752 given, but month and day omitted in
date. )

Letter to Chantalou, apparently from Testar
(No. date.) of La Rochelle, with last page missing.
Unfinished letter Entirely about his business. Thanks him

for Mr. Henry’s wife being addressed to
him; he knows that he owes it to Chantalou....

April 1 Petition to Superior Council by Joseph Villars
pril 15. | Dubreuil, Captain of town militia, claiming
4 pp. a sum of 2492 livres, 10 sols, which he paid
Petition by Dubreuil for Sr. Messager, of Illinois, to Sr. Pietet,

which he paid as bond, by decree of Court
of September 7, 1743, including 12 livres for costs, solely to
render him service; and hearing that Sr. Messager expects funds |
coming to his wife from successions of Etienne Langlois and
Marie Baudreau, his wife, which are now in the hands of Sr.
Fortier, Curator of said successions, he prays for permit to cite
Sr. Messager, at the domicile of the Procureur General, to appear
before the Council at its next session, to hear himself condemned >
to pay said sum; and moreover he prays to be allowed to seize
provisionally, in possession of Sr. Fortier, his share in said suc-
cessions, amounting to his debt, interest and costs. Signed:
Garic, procureur.

= April 15, 1752. Permit to cite at the next
Soyetetes session of the Council. Signed: Michel.

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April 18, 1752. Notice of citation served
iste th on Sr. Forestier, as Curator of Langlois and
Baudreau successions, at his domicile in New Orleans, informing
him of permit to seize funds in his possession, to the amount of
2492 livres, 10 sols, on petition of Sr. Claude Joseph Villars
Dubreuil, on his plantation and brick-kiln, where he resides.
Signed: Lenormand.

April 19. Petition to Superior Council by Gabriel Fuse-
pri lier de la Claire, a merchant of New Or-
Petition for recovery leans, for citation of Augustin Chantalou,

to compel him to pay 1141 livres, 9 sols,
due by Camoin for merchandise proceeding from the cargo of
the ship ‘‘La Concorde’’, from Marseilles, under Captain Lom-
bardon. Said Camion died at Natchitoches, and his succession is
in charge of Sr. Chantalou, Attorney of Vacant Estates. Signed:
Fuselier De la Claire.

F April 19, 1752. Formals to cite at next
session of the Council. Signed: Raguet.

: April 26, 1752. Notice served on Sr.
Chantalou at his domicile by Sheriff
Lenormand. (Notice very pale.)

April 22 Petition to Superior Council by Claude
Pll Ga. Chenier, as husband of Louise Brunel, for
Petition for accounting citation of Jeanne Hubert, widow of de-
OF, OF ceased Jean Brunel, of whose succession
she is in charge as tutrix, to render account of her administration
of said succession. Signed: Mark X of Chenier.

April 22, 1752. Permit to cite at the next
arene session of the Council. Signed: Raguet. |

ee ey April 26, 1752. Notice served on Widow

Brunel at her domicile, to appear before
Council on the first Saturday of the month of May, by Sheriff
Lenormand.

April 23. Inquiry made before Councillor Raguet,
No. 1309. 434 pp. against Charles Le Roy, at the instigation
of Jacques Lorrain called Tarascon and
vs. Charles Le Roy. Jacques Philippe Megrot, in execution of

the decree of Council of the eleventh instant. Witnesses heard
were: Francois Arnaud, Michel Pasquier (signed “Paquet’’),
Jean Roblin and. Louis Saurin. Document signed: Raguet;
Henry, Greff.

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Petition by Jeanne Douville, widow of Jac-

May 4. ques Chauvin, tutrix of her minor children,
1p. | and Gregoire Volant, subrogate tutor of the
said minors, vs. Jacques Bellair, stating

that at the time of Jacques Chauvin’s de-

cease, he left accounts to settle with Jac-
ques Bellair. The aforesaid Widow and Sr. Volant have chosen as
arbitrator Sr. Caminada, and Sr. Bellair chose Sr. Caux. They
settled the account up to the 29th of last March and find that
the said Bellair owes 5186 livres to Jacques Chauvin’s succes-
sion, as proven by account hereto annexed, of which both parties
are satisfied. Wherefore we pray that account be settled on
account of the minors. Signed: Bellair; Veuve Chauvin; Volant.

Margins of document ragged.

Excerpt from the Registers of the Superior

May 6. : Council of the Province of Louisiana: Sr.
3% pp. Villars Dubreuil, as husband of Jeanne
Dubreuil vs. Catherine La Boulaye, plaintiff, vs. Sr.
Guillaume Loquet de la Pommeraye, hus-

band of de la Boulaye’s widow, her mother. Seen by the Super-
ior Council of Louisiana the petition of Dubreuil, order and act
of 4th and 17th of last March, stating that La Boulaye at his
decease left two children, Jean Baptiste and Jeanne Catherine
La Boulaye, that their mother was appointed tutrix and had in-
ventory and description of effects made; she married Sr.
Guillaume Loquet de la Pommeraye before rendering account
of her administration of the succession, which is now under direc-
tion of Mr. de la Pommeraye. Sr. Villars married her daughter,
who is now of age to enjoy her rights and pretensions, under the
authority of her husband; he prays to have her stepfather cited
before the Council to hear himself condemned to render account
of the La Boulaye succession, and requests that a Commissioner
be appointed, before whom written defenses may be produced,
and on conclusions of the Procureur General be decided what is
just. = Villars protested against sale of the land and was non-
suited. |

Council orders that Sr. de la Pommeraye

ee render account before M. Raguet, the pro-

test holding until final account. Costs

pending. Signed: By the Council; Henry, Greff. Received
five livres.

April 10, 1752. Copy of the decree and
| notice of citation served on Sr. de la Pom-
meraye at his domicile on his plantation, speaking to him per-
sonally. Signed: Lenormand.

Notice served.

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May 6. |
Session of the Superior Council of May 6,

No. 1310. -54% pp. 1752, where were present MM. de Vau-

dreuil, Governor; Michel, Commissioner
General of the Marine, Ordonnateur, and
First Judge; Dauberville, Commissioner of
the Marine and Second Councillor; de Membrede, Major of New
Orleans; Raguet, Councillor; Le Bretton, Delalande, Kernion
and Lafreniere, Councillors Assessors. Judgments rendered in
the following cases:

Session of the
Superior Council.

Cea 1. Sr. Chantalou, acting under procura-
Chavoye, as tutor of tions, plaintiff, vs. Sr. de Chavoye, as tutor
of de Noyan minors, defendant: Council
has decided in favor of the plaintiff, and condemns the succes-
sion to pay costs.
2. Sr. Fuselier de la Claire, plaintiff,
vs. Sr. Chantalou, Attorney of Vacant
Estates, acting for succession of Camoin,
defendant: Council orders Chantalou to pay the note, if he has
sufficient funds, after which he will be discharged. Costs on
succession.
8. Sr. Villars, plaintiff, vs. de la Pom-
py meraye, defendant: Seen the conclusions
of the Procureur General of the King, the
Council has ordered M. de la Pommeraye to render account be-
fore M. Raguet, and grants a delay of one month.

4. Claude Chenier, as husband of Miss

vs. Widow Brunet. Brunet, plaintiff, vs. Widow Brunet, de-

fendant: Council condemns the Widow to

render account within six weeks before M. Raguet, who is Com-
missioner in this case.

5. René Chouteau, plaintiff, vs. Jean
Hinard, defendant: Council has rendered
judgment in default against defendant, and orders him to be
cited at next session. Costs pending.

6. Pierre Guesnon, plaintiff, vs. Chanta-

lou, acting for Ancelain succession: Council

has ordered Chantalou to pay Guesnon the

amount of his note, on what may come to him from the succes-
sion. Costs on Sr. ‘Ancelain.

7. Sr. Belair, Widow Chauvin and

~ others, petitioners: The Council has

homologated the account concerned and

made Sr. Belair depositary of the sum carried, in circulating
money.

Chouteau vs. Hinard.

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8. Jacques Cantesile: in his qualifica-

case wlbeorwgqe tion, plaintiff: On conclusions of the Pro-
cureur General, of the King, a meeting of

friends, in default of relatives, is called to give their opinion be-
fore M. Raguet.
Deruisse eruisseaux, petitioner: Seen the
easeeva tan donation and the conclusions of the Pro-
cureur General, the Council orders that it be filed in Registry,

to be executed according to its form and tenor.

Siiialiie ne 10. Dauberville, as husband of Miss de
plaintiff and Coulange, Widow de Monbrun, plaintiff

and accountant: The Council has adjudged
the receipt and expense, on which remains the sum of 2931 livres,
7 sols, 5 deniers, on which 1000 livres for the legacies to the
parochial church by the Sr. de Monbrun, remainder being 1331
livres, 7 sols, 5 deniers, to be remitted to the testamentary execu-
tor as decided. Sr. Dauberville to be validly discharged.

11. Petition of Pierre Germain for

es dl liquidation of costs: The Council reduces

the costs to the sum of (blank), following

opinion of Mr. Michel, Commissioner General of the Marine and
First Judge. Signed: Michel.

Top and bottom of each page also signed: Michel.

Excerpt from the Registers of the Council

May 6. concerning case of Claude Chenier, married
21% pp. to Louise Brunet, daughter and heiress of
SE deceased Francois Brunet, plaintiff, vs.
Jeanne Hubert, Widow Brunet, defendant:

Chenier petitions for citation of Widow
Brunet, to be ordered to render account of her administration
of succession of Francois Brunet, her deceased husband,
before Councillor named for that purpose.

ies: Order that account be rendered within
six weeks before M. Raguet. Costs pending.

SET eaey May 29, 1752. Notice of citation and

copy of petition and decree served on
wsser yg Brunet at her domicile in New Orleans, by Sheriff Lenor-
mand.

May 6 Judgments rendered by Council. (This bears
6 “ awd no signature, and has already appeared) :

ents rendered 1. Names of parties: Sr. Chantalou,
by the Coun ve under procuration of Marguerite Bouat, vs.

de Chavoye, as tutor of de Noyan minors.

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Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana 317

Gabriel Fuselier de la Claire vs. Jean Camoin.

Villars Dubreuil vs. de la Pommeraye.

Claude Chenier vs. Jeanne Hubert, Widow Brunet.
René Choutaud (Chouteau) vs. Jean Hinard.

Pierre Guesnon vs. Chantalou.

Belair, Widow Chauvin and Volant, petitioners.
Jacques Cantrelle vs. Jean Cariton.

Deruisseaux, petitioner.

Dauberville renders account and is validly discharged.
Germain, petitioner.

Mav 6 Petition to the Superior Council by Chouteau,
tavern keeper, for citation of Jacques Loué,

DP- who owes him 130 livres for board, which
Petition by Chouteau, he never hoped for, but he has heard that
eee heer he will come into his share in the succes-
sions of his parents, which will be deposited in the Registry. He
prays to be allowed to seize 130 livres, interest and costs, on his
share in the hands of Mr. Henry. Signed: Chouteau.

id aoe May 6, 1752. Permit to cite, signed:
Michel.

May 9, 1752. Notice served on Jacques
Loué, tailor, to appear before the Council
on the first Saturday of June, to hear ordered what is just.
Signed: Lenormand.

Margins of document ragged.

Notice served.

May 11. Letter from Thibaut de Chanvallon to Roudes,
rible conflagration and expresses his deep
Letters to Roudes. sympathy. 7
(No date). May 15, 1752. Again writes of his grief

at his misfortune.:

Invoice to Mr. Chantaloup (Chantalou), Jr.,
_ Anveice of goods shipped. for goods sent on the ship “L’ Amitie’’, list-

ing silver snuff-boxes, shell snuff-boxes,
and some of varnished pasteboard, crimson velvet muffs, silk
parasols with fringe, and buckles for garters. Amount of bill:
243 livres. Sent on the “Rhinoceros”’.

No date Invoice of merchandise for account of Madam
bin ). . Testar, amounting to: 309 livres, 19 sols, 9
deniers.

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(No date).
114 pp.
Sale of merchandise.

(No date).
134, pp.
Invoice.

(No date).
lp. N.P.

Invoice.

May 22.
114 pp.

Expenses of a

May 28.
2 pp.

Debit and credit of
Madam

succession of
Gervais.

The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Sale of merchandise which came on the
‘“‘Rhinoceros’”’ for account and risks of Mr.
Testar of La Rochelle to Mr. Chantalou of
New Orleans, by the “Rhinoceros’’. Sale
amounted to 2913: 13: 3.

Invoice of merchandise consigned by Mr. Tes-
tar of La Rochelle to Mr. Chantalou of New
Orleans.

Document in bad condition.

Invoice of merchandise on the “Ajax”, in a

bale covered with oil cloth and corded,
with address on a card attached thereto.

Statement of costs made for the succession of
Marie Jacobé Rabry. Paid by the succes-
sion, (blank), one half by heirs of the de-
ceased, and the other half by the said
Bojer. Signed: Raguet. |

Account of Mr. Benoist de St. Clair with the
succession of Madam Gervais, for letters of
exchange sent to her. Begins July 3, 1745.
Succession still owes Benoist the sum of
3768 livres, 6 sols, as proven by the annexed

vouchers on which said account was established, which vouchers
consist of letters of exchange from Benoist, five from the said
lady; what I sent is verified by the journal kept by Madam Ger-
vais, the whole ready to be communicated to whom by right.

(To be continued)

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INDEX TO THE SPANISH JUDICIAL RECORDS

OF LOUISIANA
LVI.

MAY-JUNE, 1783.
(Continued from October, 1937, Quarterly)

By LAURA L. PORTEOUS.
With Marginal Notes by Walter Prichard

Spanish officials appearing in this installment:

Esteban Miro, Colonel of the Regiment of Infantry of Louisiana,
and Commander in charge of the Political and Military
Government of this Province, by disposition of His Excel-
lency, Senior Don Bernardo de Galvez, Governor and Cap-
tain General therein.

Martin Navarro, Intendant General of this Province and of the
Royal Treasury.

Alcaldes: Juan Ventura Morales; Francisco Joseph Le Bretton
d’Orgenois.

Escribanos: Rafael Perdomo; Fernando Rodriguez.

Juan Doroteo del Postigo y Balderrama, Auditor of War and
Assessor General of this Province.

Francisco Mayronne, Attorney.
Luis Lioteaud, Official Taxer.
Juan Josef Duforest, Official Translator.

- Nicolas Fromentin, Deputy Sheriff.

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May 14, 1783.
Second Auction Sale of the

merchandise brought to this
Port by Enrique Bua (Voix).

No. 41. 60 pp.

Court of Alcalde Juan Ven-
tura Morales.

Assessor, none mentioned.
Escribano, Rafael Perdomo.

This case illustrates the legal procedure
followed in disposing of merchandise at
auction in Spanish Louisiana. The list of
articles sold indicates some of the types
of merchandise that were in demand at
that period in New Orleans.

The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

Enrique Voix petitions for a
permit to hold an auction sale
of some damaged merchandise
brought over in the Brigantine,
under his command, at present

in this Port. He also prays to

have Rafael Perdomo commis-
sioned to assist at the said sale.
Morales, on Postigo’s advice,
rules: As it is prayed, after the
requirements of the law have
been fulfilled, and when this has
been done the Court will issue a
decree.

The first, second and third pub-
lic calls are given May 14th, 19th
and 23rd, respectively. Henrique
Voix then asks the Court to assign

a day for the Auction Sale of the
goods, as he has previously requested. Juan Ventura Morales
decrees: Whereas, the three public calls having been made, as
the law requires, let the twenty-fifth of the current month be
appointed as the day for holding the auction. ,

The record states that the Escribano, commissioned for the
purpose, went to Henrique Voix’ house to sell, at auction, various
lots of damaged dry goods, which the Public Town Crier had pre-
viously called for sale. A partial list of the merchandise offered
shows consignments of several pieces of cottonade, a material
called polonaise, some blue ratteen, one dozen pairs of yarn
stockings, seven blankets, one dozen cotton caps, 100 woolen
covers, 12 pieces of ferret ribbon (tape), 10 dozen sailors’ caps,
1 piece of ticking, one and three quarters of scarlet cloth, 134,
ells of blue striped woolen stuff, 101% ells of rose colored taffeta,
1714 ells of figured white satin, 17 ells of white material called
taffeta, 14 ells of pink silk, 17 ells of thin white taffeta, one
gauze table center, 1 piece of blue ticking, 8 ells of fine white
woolen stuff, 16 ells of thin taffeta, 1 pound of raw silk for bot-
tonholes, 6 white handkerchiefs with red stripes, 2 ells of red
cloth, 2 cases of syrup, 27 pairs of white gloves for women and
men, 20 pieces of black ferret ribbon, 1 piece of red ratteen, 414
pieces of Batavia (Holland Linen) 1 bolt of gauze, 1 gross of
playing cards, 1 small barrel of vinegar, 30 cases of syrup, 2
pieces of striped taffeta, 4691 pounds of iron, 20 odd lengths of
cloth, 1 piece of polonaise, 1 dozen pairs of stockings, 2 ells of
- corn flower colored woolen cloth, 4 small cases of syrup, 5 gross
of playing cards, etc. Many of the above items are repeated in
varying lots and amounts.

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Henrique Voix sets forth that the sale of the damaged goods
has been completed, therefore he prays Alcalde Morales to ap- .
prove it in all its parts and to interpose his authority and judi-
cial decree for its greater force and validation. Morales accepts
this petition and later renders a decision in these words: Where-
as, and with what has been represented by Henrique Voix in his
last petition, His Honor says that in consequence of the auction
sale having been held, under the customary formalities and with
the assistance of Mr. Voix, now, in the best form that may have
place in law, he approves and does approve it and for its greater
force and validation interposes his authority and judicial decree.

The petitioner prays for a taxation of the costs of the case,
which he will promptly pay. The Court rules accordingly. Luis
Liotaud, Official Taxer, is notified and qualifies. The said taxa-
tion does not appear in the record.

Pedro Jose de Pedesclaux, act-

May 22.

Proceedings brought by
Pedro Jose de Pedesclaux to
force Juan Vicente to deliver
to him the funds he has be-
longing to his late brother,
Juan Bautista Pedesclaux.

No. 76. 23 pp.

Court of Intendant Martin
Navarro. |

Assessor, Juan del Postigo.
Escribano, Rafael Perdomo.

This suit is brought in the Court of the
Intendant, who had -jurisdiction over all
cases arising out of commercial transac-
tions in Spanish Louisiana. It illustrates
the legal procedure followed in settling a
dispute as to the ownership of certain
funds arising from the sale of a consign-

ment of merchandise sent to Louisiana,

the owner of the goods in question having
died previous to the filing of the suit.

ing for the House of Pedesclaux,
Father and Son, petitions, saying
that this firm of Merchants of
Bordeaux, in the year 1778, sent
a frigate, the “Nuestra Senora del
Carmen’’, to this Colony, with
Juan Vicente, native of this city,
as Pilot. The Senior Mr. Pe-
desclaux has always inspired in
his sons a taste for work and en-
couraged them to make ventures
on their own account, which he
exempted from freight charges
when these consignments were
shipped on board of vessels des-
patched by him, and if by chance
the ventures did not turn out well,
the losses were to be paid by the
House. Because of this arrange-
ment, in the year of seventy-eight,
the late Juan Bautista Pedes-
claux, brother of the petitioner,
loaded upon the aforenamed

frigate a cargo for his own account, consigned to the said Juan
Vicente, who sold it in this Province. The consignee, owing to
his lack of punctuality, did not remit the funds proceeding from
the sale, but, on the contrary, has kept the money himself, for
more than a year after the departure of the said frigate from
the Port of Bordeaux. His brother also sailed from the abovesaid
city for Santo Domingo, French West Indies, where he died in
the year 1781, and as a result of his death the proceeds from the
aforementioned venture belong to the House of Pedesclaux.

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Therefore, in accordance with the Power of Attorney conferred
upon him to wind up all of his late brother’s business affairs in
this Province, he has presented himself to Juan Vicente, asking
an accounting of the said venture and the investment of the pro-
ceeds of same. He has refused to give this accounting, claiming
that he does not have to submit one until Juan Bautista Pedes-
claux’ death certificate is produced. Such an excuse is without
foundation and should not be accepted. His opponent can not
pretend ignorance of the death, because he has heard several
persons state that it has taken place. Besides, in this Province
there are people who knew his brother in Santo Domingo, who
will certify to his death. Therefore, Mr. Vicente’s excuse is
frivolous and his refusal must not serve to confirm the idea
that the petitioner must take the risks, while the funds proceed-
ing from the said ‘venture remain in his opponent’s hands, for
the security of which he prays the Court to order Mr. Vicente
to deliver them to him, since he is empowered, in this cause, to
receive them, or in default of this, to deposit the money with
some merchant of this city, which will be satisfactory to him,
if, to this effect, written documents of the accounts and acts of
sale of the said venture are made manifest. Intendant Morales,
= —* advice, rules: Let this party remodel his petition
or claim.

Pedro Jose de Pedesclaux
again petitions, saying that in
: consequence of and in obedience
to the decree ordering him to remodel his demand, he prays the
Court to admit the testimony of the witnesses that he will pre-
sent, who will take oath in due form and declare whether or not
it is true that his brother, Juan Bautista, died in Guarico at the
end of 1781, and that there can be no doubt of this, because
when any one of them arrived in that city and enquired for his
late brother, they were told that he had died. Navarro, on Posti-
go’s advice, rules: Let the testimony that this party offers be
admitted, and done deliver their declarations to the Court. And
let the petitioner present the Power of Attorney granted to him
for the prosecution of this cause.

hn plaintiff presents a remodeled peti-

Juan Alexandro Cadouin Du-

rousseau, a native of Bordeaux,
under oath, declares that what he is called upon to testify to, is
true and known to him, because he was in the city of Guarico
where Juan Bautista Pedesclaux, brother of the party present-
ing him, died, in the month of December (1781). He knows this
to be a fact because he saw him in his bed, to all appearances
dead, and for this reason they were preparing to bury him.

Jean Poussou, a native of Bergerrac, testifies that he was
in Guarico in 1781. At this time it was positively made evident

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Index to Spanish Judicial Records of Louisiana 328

to him that Juan B. Pedesclaux, a brother of the one presenting
him, had died during the month of December of the year above-
said. The death was publicly and generally known to everyone
in the city: There should be no doubt about it here.

Francisco Mayronne, resident of New Orleans, states that
he went to Guarico last year, and because of his friendship for
_ J. B. Pedesclaux he looked for him in that city and was told by
several persons that he had died in December, 1781.

The next entry is a certified
ee ee copy of a French Power of At-
torney which reads, in part: That on September 26, 1782, be-
fore the undersigned Counsellors of the King, Notaries at Bor-
deaux, appeared Messrs. Pedesclaux, father and son, Merchants,
living at Porte Richelieu, Parish of St. Remi, who constitute as
their general and special agent Pierre Joseph Pedesclaux, their
son and brother, who is just on the point of leaving for New Or-
leans. The power is hereby granted to him to take over from |
Messrs. Dematerre and Vincent, also of New Orleans, and any
others concerned, the funds, effects and merchandise, whatever
they may be, that must be returned to the said constituents, who
will render a full account of payments and receive the remaind-
ers of all principal sums, furnish quittances and discharge and
satisfy each claim in full. This act is drawn up in the Office of
Duprat, one of the undersigned Notaries of the firm of Duprat
and Collignan. This Procuration is filled with Fernando Rod-
riguez, who furnishes a copy of it.

The plaintiff petitions, saying
ger : that by the last decree he was
ordered to prove his legal right to act and in fulfillment thereof
he produces the certified copy of the Procuration which duly
accompanies this. Pursuant to it and the testimony he has furn-
ished, may it please the Court to decree that the said funds be
delivered to him, or placed in charge of a bonded person, in case
this Tribunal does not hold as sufficient what he has alleged and
proven in this proceeding. The Intendant, on Postigo’s advice,
orders the above petition sent to Juan Vicente.

The next entry is a certification
of a Procuration, dated May 28,
1783, by which Pedro Jose Pedesclaux appoints Francisco May-
ronne to represent his interests in the suit he prosecutes against
Juan Vicente. Mr. Mayronne then presents this copy and avers
that as may be noted from the Power of Attorney conferred upon
him by Mr. Pedesclaux, duly attached to this petition, he has
been empowered to prosecute this cause. Therefore, in accord-
ance with same, may it please the Court to order that he be made
acquainted with what has already been executed in this affair.

Second Procuration.

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324 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly -

Martin Navarro rules: The Procuration having been presented,
let this party be made acquainted with the proceedings that have
been executed.

Juan Vicente answers, saying
that in the suit Pedro Pedesclaux
has brought against him, through representation of his late bro-
ther, Juan Bautista Pedesclaux, demanding to have certain funds
delivered to him, which he claims are in the defendant’s posses-
sion, responding to this said petition, which has been sent to
him, he prays it may please the Court to disregard the plaintiff's
supposed and unfounded pretentions and condemn him to pay
all costs of the case.

It is known that about a month ago, Pedesclaux presented
himself in Alcalde Francisco Joseph Le Bretton’s Tribunal, pray-
ing to have delivered to him various sums that had been deposit-
ed with Felix Matterre, supposedly belonging to the House of
Pedesclaux of Bordeaux. These funds, by sentence rendered by
the said Alcalde, on the advice of the Auditor of War, were
directed to be sent to some Merchants of Bordeaux, named Bruno
Brothers, and by this decision the Court palpably determined
that Pedesclaux had no right to the said funds and the defend-
ant did, and that the said merchants could use them to pay his,
Vicente’s obligations contracted in Bordeaux. Pedesclaux is an
intruder to question the integrity of that Tribunal, and much
more so, when, had the Alcalde presiding there through the
plaintiff had any right to take action against the defendant, as
he has done now, he would have permitted the prosecution of
_the suit, but when his opponent found he could not have redress
in the. other Court he presented him in this one. For these rea-
sons, and because he has absented himself from the city, go to
prove his malice and bad disposition. Therefore may it please
the Court to order as he has petitioned in the beginning. Martin
Navarro, on Postigo’s advice, rules: send this petition to the
plaintiff.

Juan Vicente answers the suit.

Francisco Mayronne sets forth
that Juan Vicente’s petition has
been delivered to him, but he is unable to answer because his
constitutent did not leave him any instructions in the matter.
Therefore, may it please the Court to suspend the course of these
proceedings until Mr. Pedesclaux returns. Intendant Navarro,
on Postigo’s advice, rules: Let this petition be sent to the defend-
ant.

Francisco Mayronne answers.

| On April 25, 1785, Alcalde

Mon, *> Alcalde Morales renders a deci- Juan Ventura Morales, on the ad-
vice of Juan del Postigo, Auditor

of War, decrees: Whereas, he has been informed by the present
_Escribano that Pedro Pedesclaux, at whose instance these pro-

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Index to Spanish Judicial Records of Louisiana 325

ceedings were begun, has discontinued his prosecution because
of the death of Juan Vicente, against whom he had taken action,
let a taxation of costs be made which must be paid by Pedes-
claux, including twenty four reales Assessor’s fees for this judg-

ment.

Luis Liotaud is notified, accepts and takes oaths, and taxes

costs at 17 pesos 4 real.

June 2.

Marine Protest. |
Proceedings brought by Bar-
tholome Tardiveau and Com-
pany because of the robbery
committed by the Pirate,
Santiago Corbert, an English
Royalist.

No. 77. 12 pp.

Court of Intendant Martin
Navarro.

No Assessor.
Escribano, Rafael Perdomo.

This suit is brought in the Court of the
Intendant, because it has to do with a
claim for the loss of merchandise. The
ease illustrates some of the dangers to
which commerce on the Mississippi River
was exposed during the period of the War
of the American Revolution. The list of
articles alleged to have captured
by the pirate affords an interesting illu-
stration of the types of merchandise
brought down the Mississippi to New

Bartholome Tardiveauand
Pedro Tardiveau, brothers, and
Miguel Lacasana (Lacassagne),
all born in the Kingdom of France
and residents of North America,
in the Province of Philadelphia,
at present in this city, file a
Marine Protest, a certified copy
of which appears in this record,
wherein it is set forth that they
came from the abovesaid Prov-
ince to New Orleans in a boat,
named the ‘“‘Cobro’’, loaded with |
goods, listed in the statement they
have exhibited, on the second of
the current month. The said Pro-
test further stipulates that when
at about a league below where
the San Francisco River empties
into the Mississippi they were at-
tacked by a Pirate, named Colvet,
an English Royalist, and his com-
panions. After the first sally,
having wounded one of the row-
ers with a carbine-shot, by un-

Orleans in this period.
| just force, the attackers quick-
ly made themselves owners of all the Cobro was conveying, ex-
cept a small amount of provisions which the said Pirates allowed
them to keep, as their statement shows. This was hardly enough
to sustain their lives until they should arrive at a place where
they would find help. In consideration of which, both Divine
and Human Law cry out for satisfaction against such an
execrable outrage and illegal seizure, particularly as Peace has
already been declared. It was impossible to defend themselves
or protect their cargo against heavy losses, because of the
superior number and strength of the Pirates. He protests for

the first, second, third, and as many times as required by law, so
that because of all the injuries, losses, prejudices and damages
they have sustained at the hands of the said Pirates, they may
— indemnity against whoever they may have the right before

e law.

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abe | The list of articles. stolen, is
dated May 2, 1783. It enumerates
1 boat, 51 feet long, by 14 wide and 5 high, mounted with 4
swivel-guns.

2 large canoes.
286 barrels of flour.
154 half barrels of flour.
77 black velvet stocks.
4427 and 3/6 yards of lace.
12 papers of. lace.
34 pieces of lace ruffles.
1 silk handkerchief.
70 sheets of tin-plate.
21 and 5/8 yards of serge.
21 yards of gingham in two pieces.
5 and 3/8 yards of gauze.
60 and 1/6 yards of white and black mmnonte:
133 needles. | |
3 thimbles for sewing.
7 awls.
6 skeins of silk. |
12 mohair buttons.
1 skein of mohair.
2 yards of calico.
1% yards of flannel.
44 swivel-guns.
18 muskets.
3 carbines.
3 pounds of powder.
41 pounds of lead in balls and sounding lead.
70 bullets for swivel guns.
17 gun-flints.
3 steels for striking a light.
8 tinder boxes
200 cartouches.
trunks.
sounding line.
cables.
map of the Ohio River and pamphlet.
large iron pots.
axes.
hand saw.
caulking irons.
chisels for caulking.
drills.
Frying-pan.
barrel of biscuits.
barrel of salt pork.

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Index to Spanish Judicial Records of Louisiana 327

50 pounds of rice.

5 tin pitchers.

3 knives. |

3 pounds of sulphur.

1 quarter of a bushel of salt.

2 gimlets.

1 tent containing 6 yards of linen canvas.
1 silver medal.

1 pound of green tea.

70 dozen gold and silver spangled buttons.

List of articles James Corbert returned at their departure.

1 canoe.

2 half barrels of flour.
3 muskets.

1 carbine.

1 iron pot.

1 axe.

2 tin pitchers.

1 gimlet.

Bartholome Tardiveau peti-

tions, averring that he has proven
by the certified copy of his Marine Protest, duly presented, to-
gether with the statement attached, that the Pirate, Corbet, an
English Royalist, on the 2nd of the current month captured him
and his companions as they were coming down to this city in
their boat, the “‘Cobro” ; therefore, in order to establish his claim
against the one who may have place, may it please the Court,
considering his Protest and the statement produced, to declare
the seizure made by Corbert illegal, and for the ends that may
be convenient to him give him a certified copy of these entire
proceedings, executed as a public document that may have
credit, and he will promptly pay all just and due fees. The In-
tendant rules: Let the certified copy of the Protest and state-
ment be translated into Spanish, by Juan Josef Duforest, and let
him be notified for his acceptation and oath, and done let his
translation be brought to the Court.

Duforest makes a translation
of a list of the articles stolen,
already mentioned. Then Martin Navarro decrees: Whereas,
attentive to what has been represented by Bartholome Tardiveau
and the documents he has furnished, His Lordship says that he
must declare and does declare, as illegal, the seizure the Pirate |
Corbert has made of the boat and goods belonging to the said
Tardiveau and his companions, and so that he may institute legal
proceedings against the legitimate causant and for its greater

force and validation, he interposes and does interpose his au-

The Translation.

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328 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

thority and judicial decree, inasmuch as it may have place in
law. He also orders that he be given the certified copies of
these proceedings, executed as public documents, for which he
has petitioned. Let a taxation of costs be made by Luis Liotaud,

that must be paid by the said Tardiveau.

reales.

Taxation of costs.

a taxation of the costs of the

included in this record.

June 4.

Proceedings brought by
Enrrique Bua (Voix) against
Mr. de Shemine, resident of
the German Coast, to collect
a debt.

No. 43. 4 pp.

Court of Governor Esteban
Miro.

No Assessor.

Escribano, Rafael Perdomo.

This suit to collect a debt affords a good
illustration of the legal relations existing

Assessor’s fees 24

Luis Lioteaud is notified, ac-
cepts and takes oath to draw up
case; but the said taxation is not

On page 1 is a note to the effect
that the document previously
filed here has been removed,
pursuant to an order from the
Governor, at the end of these pro-
ceedings, and has been delivered
to Enrique Bua, who signed a re-
ceipt for it. This note is signed
“Hy Voix’’, and attested to by
Perdomo.

Page 2. is an order to Rafael
Perdomo, signed by Miro, which
reads: You may return the note,
that has been presented, to Mr.
Voix, after the necessary form-
alities have been complied with,
considering that the latter will be

between the commandants of the outlay-
ing posts in Spanish Louisiana and the
central government of the colony in New
Orleans.

leaving shortly.

Page 3. Enrrique Voix peti-
tions, setting forth that as appears
from the obligation he duly presents, Mr. De Shemine, a resident
of the German Coast of this Province, owes him 4460 pesos, the
value of a slave sold to him on credit, with the condition that he
pay for him on the 15th day of last month. This he has not done,
and as he will sail the following day for La Rochelle, he prays
the Court, with this petition, its decree and the obligation pro-
duced, to issue an order to the Commander of that Post, au-
thorizing him to cause the defendant to appear before him, im-

-. mediately, to verify the obligation and signature and compel him

to pay, and done remit the said sum and proceedings by means
of the person who may be in charge of the matter. And if his
opponent fails to pay, let his property be seized to the equivalent
of the abovesaid amount. Governor Miro decrees: Issue an order
to the Commander of the German Coast, which must include the
plaintiff’s written petition, this decree and the defendant’s obli-
gation, so that he may cause Mr. de Shemine to appear before
him, to acknowledge his indebtedness, and if he states that the

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Index to Spanish Judicial Records of Louisiana 329

note is his and that he owes the money, let him be compelled to
pay it, and failing to do so, seize his property to the extent of
the debt, and done let the Commander notify this Tribunal,
promptly, by means of the present Escribano. A marginal note
stipulates that the despatch which was ordered has been issued
and delivered to the party.

Nothing further is done, therefore the proceeding is incom-
plete.

In place of the first two pages,

June 12.
Proceedings brought by
Jaime Urgel against Josef
Sanchez to collect a debt.
No. 35. 12 pp.

Court of Governor Esteban
Miro.

No Assessor.

Escribano, Rafael Perdomo.

This suit to collect a debt affords an
illustration of the legal procedure in
executing the judgment of the Court,
after the defendant has acknowledged the
obligation.

a note is inserted, certified to by

Rafael Perdomo, to the effect
that the documents filed here, as
pages 1 and 2, have been de-
livered to Jose Sanchez, in ac-
cordance with the decree on
page 9.

In a marginal note, dated June

12, 1783, Rafael Perdomo attests
that the petition on page 3 was
presented before him without the
signature of the party, because
he does not know how to write.

The petition presented by
Jaime Urgel, Merchant of this

city, a partner of Jose Burse,
absent, sets forth that as the two
notes, duly presented, show that Jose Sanchez, resident of New
Orleans, owes him 54 pesos 6 reales, the remainder due for dif-
ferent articles of merchandise supplied by himself and his part-
ner, on various occasions, as appears from the notes, and
although he has made several attempts to collect, he has been
unable to do so. Therefore, he prays that Sanchez be ordered
to take oath, in due form and without delay, so as to acknowl-
edge his signature at the end of the notes and to declare whether
or not he owes the amount stipulated, and done deliver his
declaration to the plaintiff to be used to enforce his rights. Gov-
ernor Miro rules accordingly.

Jose Sanchez declares, under oath, that the said obligation
and signature are his and that it is true he owes Urgel 54 pesos
6 reales. |

Jaime Urgel presents a second unsigned petition, saying it
is evident from Sanchez’s declaration that he owes the debt, in
consequence thereof, because the defendant’s confession has re-
sulted in his favor, he prays for a writ of execution against any
or all of his property up to the amount of the debt, in full, its

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330 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

one-tenth and costs. Miro decrees: Considering the debtor has
verbally stated, in his Tribunal, that he is ready to pay, but the
only property he possesses is 14 barrels of salt meat, let them
be sold at public auction to satisfy the plaintiff’s claim, the sale
to be held before the Escribano, who is commissioned by this rul-
‘ing to conduct it on the 23rd of the current month, and done let
the records of the case be returned to the Court.

The auction sale is held on the levee. The 14 barrels of
salt meat bring out spirited bidding. Silba offers 35 pesos, Fran-
cisco Chico 45 pesos, and Silba 55. These two continue to out-
bid each other, until they run the price up to 77 pesos, offered
by Chico.

Governor Miro then renders judgment: Whereas, the sale
of the 14 barrels of salt meat has been made, as was ordered by
the foregoing ruling, bringing 77 pesos, as appears from the auc-
tion held on the 23rd of the current month. Therefore, let the
present Escribano pay from the said amount, which has provi-
- sionally passed into his possession, 54 pesos 6 reales to Jaime
Urgel, as he has demanded, and which has been acknowledged
as due by the defendant. To this must be added the costs of the
case that will be taxed by Luis Lioteaud, who must be notified
for his acceptation and oath. The residue will then be delivered,
by the present Escribano, to Jose Sanchez, who must give a re-
ceipt for same, to be filed at the end of this cause. When this
has been done, the Court will surrender to him the obligations
presented on pages 1 and 2.

Luis Lioteaud is notified, accepts and takes oath to tax costs.

The next entry is James Urgel’s receipt for 54 pesos 6 reales,
signed by Manuel Monrroy, as witness, because the said Urgel
can not write.

Jose Sanchez also signs a receipt for 9 pesos 2% reales paid
to him by the Escribano, the remainder due in his favor for the
salt meat sold at auction. 54 pesos 6 reales were paid to Urgel;
12 pesos 7% reales for costs of the case. These three amounts
total 77 pesos, the selling price of the 14 barrels of salt meat.

| Maria Magdalena Harrenger
June 20. : Dumesnil Rolland, widow of Juan
‘ , Santiago Blas Dabbadie (Jean
Proceedings begun by Maria Jacques Blas Dabbadie), late
Magdalena Rollan(d) asking Commander General of the
to be paid 4672 livres 11 sols Marine of this Province, through
2 deniers. substitution of Procuration, duly
No. 51. 5 pp. presented, appears and says that
py : Nicolas Forstall and Juan Josef
Court of Governor Esteban Duforest, syndics named for the
Miro. settlement of the affairs of Isaac

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Index to Spanish Judicial Records of Louisiana 331

Monsanto, deceased, by decree of
Escribano, Rafael Perdomo. Luis Unzaga de (y) Amezaga,

Governor of the Province, ren-
arising dered November 30, 1771, against

ial relati with S ish 4 isi- i
commercial relations with Spenis® tov, Juan de Aragori, a merchant of

plaintiff claiming to be a preferred c San Sebastian, to collect a bill of
tor, by the fact that the claim dates back

many years, and on account of the pres- @XChange for 4672 livres 11 sols

ent insanity of one of the interested 6 deniers, in her favor, which she
eeally appointed "duly presented. The said pay-

| ment has not been made, as there
are no funds in Mr. Aragori’s possession, belonging to Mr. Mon-
santo, as appears from the three letters which she also presents.
Therefore she prays the Court to order delivered to her the vari-
ous amounts belonging to Mr. Monsanto, now in the possession
of Santiago Mather, syndic named because of the insanity of
Guillermo Strother, who was acting for the Monsanto creditors,
to satisfy the debt of 4672 pesos 11 sols 2 deniers, as will be
evident by the said documents that have been presented, con-

sidering that she is a privileged creditor.

The three letters from Jean D’Aragorry, in summary are:
1st, dated Campeche, April 4, 1771, written to Captain de Ara-
gorry, if absent to his agent, from Juan Manuel Carpizo, in
which he asks the recipient to take certain sums of money,
amount not mentioned, to Rodrigo Monsanto, or to remit them
by Francisco de Acosta, who is in Lagana, and for which amount
he must take a receipt.

Below this letter, on the same sheet of paper, is a copy of a
receipt, dated February 6, 1771, given by Jacobo Monsanto,
acting for his brother, Rodriguez Monsanto, which states that
the recipient has received two receipts from Francisco Xavier
Acosta, which amount to 844 pesos 2 reales, dated the 21st and
27th of June, received in Lagana, for the year 765 (1765), to
deliver to him likewise the 344 pesos 2 reales, and the 500 re-
maining to deliver to his brother, Rodrigo. And now he has re-
ceived from Juan Manuel Carpizo 1208 pesos 7 reales, the
remainder of an account to be delivered to him. The present is
signed in Campeche. An entry below states that on February
24, 1772, Jean D’Aragorry certifies that the above is a true copy.

The second letter, written in French, is dated Saint Se-
bastien, April 24, 1772, addressed to Madame (Dabbadie) and
signed Jean D’Aragorry, and is to acknowledge her letter which
was forwarded to him by Messrs. Forstall and Duforest of New
Orleans. She will see a the letter and copies of receipts en-
closed that he has no funds belonging to Mr. Monsanto, and that
the order drawn by this gentleman on him for 4672 livres 11 sols
6 deniers can not be accepted by him, because he has already
i eg upeain to the said Monsanto all the funds he had belonging to

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332 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly -

The third letter, also in French, is dated Saint Sebastien,
April 24, 1772, by Jean D’Aragorry and addressed to Messrs.
Forstall and Duforest, acknowledging their letter of the 30th of
the October before. The writer notes that they are in charge of |
Mr. Monsanto’s affairs, and that it appears from the Bilan they
have forwarded that he is indebted (to Monsanto) for 6207
livres 10 sols and that Mrs. Dabbadie, being a creditor to the
said Monsanto, the recipients of this letter have, by order of
the Governor, given to Mr. Bellile permission to procure for the
said lady a bill of exchange drawn on him for 4672 livres 11 sols
6 deniers. This demand has caused great surprise because he
had written from Campeche that he had had funds belonging to
Mr. Monsanto, but they had been returned to him. This has
been proven by the copy of the receipts attached to Juan Manuel
Carpizo’s letter directed to Daragorry.

The record ends with this letter. Perhaps Mrs. Dabbadie
is more successful, when she takes action against Santiago
Mather, syndic named because of the insanity of Guillermo
Strother.

The Escribano attests, in the

June 21. margin of the mae petition oo
ae it was presented by a party who

Juan Bissier vs. Juan Caduc. goes not know how to write. In
No. 3324. 5 pp. this said petition Juan Bissier
states it is evident from the note

Court of Alcalde Francisco he duly presents that Juan Caduc
Josef Le Bretton. owes him 149 pesos, and although
a ee he has tried to collect various
times, he has been unsuccessful.

Escribano, Fernando Rodri- He prays to have the defendant

guez. ordered to verify his signature
T and acknowledge the debt. Al-
0 COMECL & Gent. calde Le Bretton rules: The note

This suit to collect a debt presents no this party mentions having been

fallowed in such presented, let the defendant ac-

knowledge, swear and declare

- requested, and done let his declaration be delivered to the
ourt.

Juan Caduc, under oath, verifies his signature and says he
owes the amount stipulated in the note. |

The plaintiff presents a second petition, saying that accord-
ing to the evidence produced in the foregoing declaration, the
amount he claims is due him. Therefore, he prays for a writ
of execution against all or any of his property and person, to the
extent of the debt, its one-tenth and costs. Francisco Josef Le
Bretton accepts this petition and later rules: Issue a writ of
execution in favor of Visier (Bissier) against any or all of Juan

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Index to Spanish Judicial Records of Louisiana 333

Caduc’s property, for the sum of 149 pesos, since it is evident
. that he owes this amount. A marginal note, attested and signed

by Rodriguez, states that the writ which was ordered has been

issued and delivered to the party.

The next document on file is the writ of execution, em-
powering the Sheriff, or his Deputy, to request Juan Caduc to
pay Juan Bissier, immediately, the sum of 1494 pesos, because
it has been made evident that he owes this amount. And if he
does not pay at once, let execution be taken against his person
and property, sufficient to pay the abovesaid sum, its one-tenth
and costs. |

(Nicolas) Fromentin, Deputy Sheriff, reports that with the
foregoing writ, he requested Juan Caduc to pay Juan Bissier
the amount due. He assured him that he would go and do so im-
mediately. In testimony whereof he sets this down as a matter
of record.

This ends the suit. The debt was apparently paid out of
Court and the original note returned to the maker, since it is
not filed with the proceedings.

The first entry is a letter, dated

June 30.

Proceedings brought by
Carlos Poree, petitioning for
a permit to proceed with the
sale of a settee, named the
Marquez Dorbesan.

No. 72. 7 pp.

Court of Intendant Martin
Navarro.

No Assessor.

Escribano, Rafael Perdomo.

These proceedings, brought in the Court
of the Intendant because of his jurisdic-
tion over all commercial affairs, illu-
strat? the legal procedure necessary for
the owner to obtain permission to sell in
New Orleans a boat brought there from
another port. Upon legal proof of owner-
ship, the permission sought is granted.

Cap, May 4, 1783, written to Mr.
de Poree at New Orleans, and
signed D’Eslincourt, wherein the
writer, after consulting Messrs.
Clement Brothers, requests the re-
cipient to sell a Polacre, the “Mar-
quis Dorbesan’, commanded by
Captain Laurent, sailing for Louis-
iana, who has been directed to turn
the boat over to Mr. Poree. He also
sends an invoice of the merchan-
dise shipped on board for M/C
and a note of the bills of lading
of freight for different persons,
that he asks to have sold to the

best advantage. He hopes to

obtain a good price for the vessel
and values it at from 6 to 7,000
piastres gourdes. When the ship
and its cargo have been sold, the

writer stipulates that he wishes the funds invested in two good
boats and a cargo of wood and indigo. In a postscript he states
it must be noted that the price fixed for freight will be under-
stood as money of Mississippi, when not expressly agreed as
money of Santo Domingo.

Carlos Poree petitions to the Intendant, saying that he has a
settee in this harbor; the “Marquis Dorbesan”’, much in need of

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334 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly

repair for outfitting, which will cost more than its real value.
He prays to have a permit granted to him for the execution of
the necessary written document of sale, in accordance with the
orders and authority he has received from the interested parties. |
Intendant Navarro rules: Whereas, the order by letter that
Carlos Poree has presented is not a sufficient document for pro-
ceedings of sale, as he has petitioned. Let him be notified to
give the necessary bond for the security of the funds that will
result from the sale, which may then be made, as requested.

A marginal note, signed by Perdomo, stipulates that a bond
was executed by Martin Braquier, which has been filed in the
Archives in his charge, in conformity to what was ordered in the
foregoing decree. .

Carlos Poree again petitions, averring that he has been
notified of a decree ordering him to give bond for the proceeds
of the sale of the settee. He has complied with this decision.
Therefore, he prays the Court to order the present Escribano to
draw up the instrument of sale. Martin Navarro rules: Let the
present Escribano certify, in the customary way, to the contents
of eng a and done let his certification be brought
to the Court.

On July 4th Rafael Perdomo certifies that the day before,
July 3rd, Martin Braquier drew up a bond in favor of Carlos
Poree before him, the original of which is filed in his Archives,
obligating himself to answer for the principal and costs of the
sale that the said Poree has requested to be permitted to make
of a settee consigned to him. This said bond has been executed
pursuant to a decree, dated July Ist.

Martin Navarro rules: Whereas, attentive to what has been
affirmed in the foregoing certification, namely that Carlos Poree
has complied with the decree to give bond, His Lordship says
that he must concede and does concede the necessary permission
for the sale he has asked to make of a settee, the “Marquis
Dorbesan’”’, in accordance with this request, let the present
Escribano proceed to the drawing up of the written instrument
of sale, for the accomplishment of which and for its greater
force and validation, His Lordship interposes and does interpose
his authority and judicial decree, in as much as it may have
place in law. Let the costs be taxed by Luis Liotaud and paid
by the said Poree, who must be notified of this decision.

Luis Liotaud is notified, accepts and takes oath to make a
taxation of costs, which are not included in the record.

June 30 Juan Pallet petitions the In-

coe. | tendant General, saying that he
Proceedings brought by Juan bought the Packet Boat, the
Pallet so as to be permitted ‘‘Celesta’’, now anchored in this

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| Index to Spanish Judicial Records of Louisiana

to raise the flag of Spain on
board the Packet Boat, be-

“Four Brothers.”

No. 65. 6 pp.

Court of Intendant Martin
Navarro.

No Assessor.
Escribano, Rafael Perdomo.

These proceedings, brought in the Court
of the Intendant, illustrate the lega] pro-
cedure followed in authorizing the owner
< a vessel brought into New Orleans
rom a foreign port to raise the Spanish
flag over said vessel, which may be con-
sidered as equivalent to registering it as

335

Port, which cleared from Martini-
que under the French flag. He
prays for a permit, so that in ac-
cordance with what he has repre-
sented, he may raise the flag of
Our August Monarch over the
said Packet Boat. Martin Navarro
orders this petition returned to
the maker to be remodeled ac-
cording to established form of
law, and done a decree will be
rendered.

Juan Pallet presents a second
petition to the effect that he has
been notified of a decree by
which it has pleased His Lordship

a Spanish ship. After the owner presents
legal proof of ownership of said vessel,
the permit requested is granted.

to order him to remodel his first
petition. In obedience to this
decision and in order to prove
that the said Brigantine was bought in the Island of Martinique
from Carlos Dubor and Juan Lami, he solemnly presents the
title to ownership of this said Brigantine, so that it may be trans-
lated into Spanish and the original returned to him, and done he
prays for a judgment as previously petitioned. The Intendant
rules: The document that is mentioned, having been presented,.
let it be translated into the Spanish language by Juan Josef Du-
forest, to whom notification must be given so that he may accept
and take oath in the customary way. The original must be re-
rab vr petitioned, and done let all the records be returned to
e Court.

Juan Josef Duforest is notified, accepts and takes oath to
' make the translation well and faithfully according tothis know!l-
edge and understanding. Here follows the Spanish translation
of the French act of sale executed in the city of San Pedro de la
Isla de la Martinica (Saint Pierre de Martinique), dated April
22, 1783, by which Carlos Dubosq and Juan Lamy, owners of a
ship and its cargo, sell by these presents to Juan Pallet, mer-
chant ordinarily a resident of New Orleans, here present, who
accepts, namely two Brigantines, one called the “Four Brothers”’
of about 150 tons, under the command of Mr. Dubosgq, the other
named the “Juana”, under Captain Pedro Ledanta, both from
the Port of Havre, anchored in this harbor (St. Pierre), and a
cargo for the said Mr. Lamy. They also sell the freight on these
ships, made up of,comestibles mentioned in the invoice of each
consignment. Mr. Pallet has been fully informed about every-
thing and has renounced in a more full explanation. The ven-
dors promise to make delivery of the two ships, at their own risk
and costs, at the said Port in Louisiana, where they are also obli-

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336 The Louisiana Historical

gated to deliver the cargoes of the two vessels to Pallet, edie
the conditions of this present sale, which is for 150,000 pounds,
American money, that the vendee promises and obligates him-
self to pay to Dubosq and Lamy in Louisiana. The foregoing
act is signed in the original by Dubosgq, Lamy, Pallet, and
Notaries Petit and Ponsard. It is certified to and the Notaries’
signatures attested to by Juan Aman Astorg, Counsellor of the
King and his Attorney for the jurisdiction of St. Pierre, Martini-
que.

Intendant Navarro then decrees: Whereas, and attentive
to what is clearly evident from the foregoing translation, the
title to ownership of the Brigantine, the “Four Brothers,”’ belongs
to this party, His Lordship says that he concedes and does con-
cede the necessary permit to raise the flag of Spain over the said
ship, and for its greater validation and force he interposes and
does interpose his authority and judicial decree. Let Mr. Pallet
be given the certified copies, as he has asked in these proceed-
ings, so that pursuant to this decree, the “Four Brothers” may
be recognized and held as a Spanish vessel. Let a taxation of
costs be made and paid by the interested party. Assessor’s fees
twenty-four reales.

Luis Liotaud is notified, accepts anil takes oath to make a
taxation of costs; which said taxation is not included with the
proceedings.

(To be continued.)

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